tion and intolerance. The late Orange processions may then be viewed as among the last plunges of a desperate expiring faction.

In every point of view, these processions are impolitic and illiberal. They provoke an antagonist enthusiasm in ardent minds, and lead to a display of opposite sentiments, which if not altogether unexceptionable, are yet of better origin than those which induce to tyrannize over our neighbours, and needlessly irritate them on account of a difference of opinion, on points of religion. But the contest is more of a political than a theological nature. The supporters of the Orange system are in the present possession of power, and seek to retain it by the often tried and successful artifice of keeping up an alliance between church and state. It is therefore rather a political than a religious feud. The mischiefs are incalculable. The late Chancellor Clare, notwithstanding his political prejudices, and bias in favour of the strong exertions of power, yet viewing the question through his legal optics, pronounced Orange associations as contrary to law, as lodges of United Irishmen; and Dr. M'Nevin, in his examination before the secret committee of the house of Lords, gave an awful warning of their hurtful tendency, by declaring, that no circumstance tended more to spread the system of United Irishmen, than the formation of Orange Lodges. Under present circumstances, if these irritating displays of a domineering faction, do not lead to direct overt-acts, they most essentially contribute to add to the fund of latent discontent, which may in the va rious turnings of this most eventful crisis, lead to the most important and dangerous consequences. "Cnrses, deep, if not loud," must follow such proceedings, so long as the human mind is constituted, as it is, and

so long as the remembrance of injuries is felt.

At Letterkenny and some other parts of the county of Donegall, party prejudices have lately run very high, and been productive of mutual outrages, and mutual apprehensions of danger. At a meeting between Sir Charles Asgill the commander of the district, and the magistrates, it was agreed that no procession should take place, and yet in direct contravention, the Orangemen paraded through the town of Letterkenny. Was government too weak to enforce their own orders? or were orders

given merely to comply with the Regent's instructions, without any disposition to enforce them?

Loyalty means an attachment to the laws, and to the whole of the constitution. It is not restricted to one branch, but comprehends the popular as well as the monarchical por tion. We are loyal, and therefore we are opposed to the orange system. But we are not exclusive, and do not wish to shut out any from the common benefits of the constitution. The name of William has been much abused. William III. was the friend to liberty, and the opposer of arbitrary power. The Catholic Bishop of Derry, justly drew the distinction, when at a public dinner he was required to drink the insulting toast of the Protestant ascendancy, "You drink the glorious and immortal memory of King William for certain purposes, I drink him AS THE ENEMY OF SLAVERY." we lived in the days of William, we trust we should have arranged ourselves on the side of liberty, and in direct opposition to the arbitrary principles of high prerogative as manifested by James. If there had' been danger from Popish bigotry, we should have opposed it. Now we are equally called on to oppose Protestaut bigotry. Bigotry, without re

Had

garding the adjunct coupled with it, is the object of execration to the friends of liberty.

Connected with the celebration of this day, a circumstance occurred, which is highly deserving of reprobation. In the town of Lisburn, a

school for boys is conducted on the Lancastrian plan, which has been productive of much benefit, but the spirit of party which embitters every thing, encouraged a procession of some of the protestant children on this day. Catholics and Protestants are indiscriminately educated at this school, and Catholics have not shown the smallest disinclination to send their children, affording a proof that they have no objection to their children receiving instruction, if no means are taken to influence their religious opinions. To do good in Ireland, education must be kept quite separate from all attempts to proselyte, or to influence opinions. The action of bigotry will be reciprocal. If Protestants attempt to proselyte, Catholics will repel, and bigotry will be raised in opposition to bigotry. Every objection to the Orange system, as adopted by adults, applies in the fullest force as far as regards children, and there are some additional objections of the most forcible nature. It is an attempt to perpetuate prejudices to succeeding generations, and to poison the youthful mind, with the worst of passions. Surely it is enough that we of the present day are suffering, and are in danger of suffering still more deeply,

from the demon of intolerance. Every care should be taken to preserve youth from the taint. Juvenal has expressed a just sentiment, "Maxima reverentia debetar pueris." For several days after the procession, the bitter fruits of party prejudices excited, and were to be noticed among the children of the

town where this ill judged exhibition took place.

It is a singular fact that throughout the civilized world, intolerance, or a system of inflicting disabilities on account of religious opinions is at present confined to the British Isles, and the countries under British influence. In France, whatever may be the defects of the despotism now established there, religious opinion is left free. From the abrogation of the temporal power of the Pope, the annexation of Rome to the empire of France, and the convocation of a council of Bishops at Paris, some great changes appear to be on the eve of taking place, which probably will have the effect of breaking the chains, with which superstition and the dread of innova tion have hitherto enslaved the huthe various and opposite motives, man mind. In the struggles, anid

which may influence the actors, free

inquiry is likely to gain fresh acces sions of strength. The late Exposé of the French government in the part relating to religion, affords a glimpse by which we inay penetrate their from a periodical work of criticism views, and the following quotation recently published in France, affords additional information, for through literary publications, Bonaparte some times directs his agents to announce his intentions, and to prepare the

public for their reception.

faded away. If the triple tiara should one day lift itself up, at least no crowned head will ever hereafter be seen bent before it. Monachism is nearly abolished. All the institutions of the middle ages are falling one after another; notwithstanding some casual obstacle the human mind is advancing in its course: we may add, that its progress is accelerated as it is aided and seconded by force. Those plans which the genius of letters dared only to suggest in the age of philosophy are now adopted, executed and extended by the genius of victory."

Another article in the French Exposé affords less hopes to the friends of philanthropy. In speaking of education. it is recommended to infuse into it a military cast. Alas! must the best interests of mankind be ever sacrificed to the demon of war on the altars of despotism! To return again to a military organization, must certainly lead to retrogradation of mind in the civilized portions of Europe. The revival and extension of military despotism, in which all the nations appear at present emulous to imitate and rival each other, affords no cheering prospects.

The Synod of Ulster have at their last meeting voted, an address to the Prince Regent, and another to the Lord Lieutenant. In the latter they praise the Duke of Richmond for his temperate conduct in his political adininistration. The term of conciliatory had formed a part of the original draught, but was afterwards changed. To eyes not dazzled by gifts, there appears little to praise in the Irish administration. Religious bodies are ill employed, bowing at

courts.

Sir Samuel Romilly's bill to change the punishment of stealing from bleachgreens, as given at page 341 of the Belfast Magazine for

April, passed the House of Lords without alteration. Our readers are referred to it, as the exact words of the act which now constitutes the law on this point.

It has been the fashion of late years to expend a great deal of compliment by anticipation on men of high office, whether in the cabinet or in the field. Thus Mr. Pitt was ushered into public life, as a heavenborn minister, and we think that not a little of this preliminary praise as a consummate general has been bestowed upon Lord Wellington. For our parts, we cannot hep thinking that he has not been a little deceived himself, or contributed to deceive others, in estimating the extent of the enemies resources, and in his calculation of their means, both in respect to the number of men, and the supply of provisions. We think also, that he did not calculate upon Massena being only a manoeuvring General, and that Soult lay by, to become the active and fighting one. Lord Wellington seems to have acknowledged in his dispatches, that he scarcely had expected Soult could have collected together 22,000 men for the purpose of attacking Beresford, and, hence, the battle of Albuera appears not to have been calculated upon, although, in its consequences, (the only way to judge of battles), it appears to have been decisive of the fortune of the campaign, by occasioning an interruption and suspension of the siege of Badajoz, and allowing, thereby, time for the junction of the enemies two armies, which concentration of force, necessarily, occasioned the raising of the siege, and the retreat of the allied force, probably to end the campaign near Lisbon, where it first begun. In short, Massena seems to have been merely instrumental to keep Lord Wellington and his army,

with their whole attention directed against him, while, by doing so, he completely masqued Soult,

An army of the same nation has great advantages over an army composed, or rather convened from different nations. This is not apparent in common circumstances, but is almost always fatally exemplified at critical seasons, particularly in the field of battle. The machinery is well enough put together to all appearance, and even serves pretty well on common trials, but on extraordinary conjunctures, it gets always out of order; and the conse quences are dreadful, by confidence created, and fostered, where it fails, when most wanted. An allied army never can be made to act with sufficient celerity, unity, and mobility, at the very critical time when all these qualities are most urgently demanded, and whenever victory is suspended, the army that, if we dare use the term, is homogenous, will decide the fortune of the day, all other circumstances being supposed nearly equal. The experience of all his tory proclaims the radical uncertainty, and imperfect combination of a principal and an auxiliary force. Even in the present war, many are the instances, where this concealed flaw in the organization of the army, was the primary cause of undue confidence, and in the day of trial, the proximate cause of failure. How ever well the Spanish or Portuguese force may seem to have acted, when placed in important situations, as on the flank of the British, it almost always appears, that the line of battle cracked first at the junction of the army, allied, but not assimilated, either in language, habits, manners, or mind, only artificially compressed into an uniformity of appearance, by accidental occurrences, One might suppose, that in such cases, (were there no danger of being out

flanked), it would be well if the British were always, of themselves, to bear the brunt of the battle, and when the impression was made, then the auxiliary force might do that service against a retreating enemy, which they are never likely to do in the same line with the British, in the heat of engagement, and in the doubtful issue of battle. We have always thought, that recruiting or embodying a Portuguese or Spanish army, disciplining them, as is said by British officers, and preparing them to act with the British line in the field, was an experiment however recommended by the alacrity of the well paid recruits, and by the report of the parade, the most preg nant with danger, by creating, we will not say, a military confidence, but a ministerial and perhaps a national confidence in the numbers of the combined army. For our parts, we think the only safe experiment in the day of battle, would be made by having at least as many British as of French on the field, "and pla cing the Spanish and Portuguese, disciplined or undisciplined, totally out of the enumeration. A coalition

of courts, in a cabinet, and a coalition of armies, in the field, are combinations, in their very nature, most precarious and uncertain, and peculiarly so, from the temptations they hold out in the beginning, which in the end prove, and that too, suddenly, delusory and destructive.

After all the marches and counter marches, after the armies advancing and retreating, the affairs in the peninsula once more appear to he drawing to a conclusion. Bonaparte who in most cases find means to accomplish what he threatens, has given

a portentous warning. When half the families in Britain shall be in mourning, then shall a peal of thunder put an end to the af

fairs of the peninsula, the destinies of the armies, and avenge Europeand Asia by finishing this second Punic war." During the entire course of this long protracted contest, the general language of this retrospect, has been desponding, even when the public mind has been generally buoyed up by hope In the most brilliant periods of vaunted success, the waste of human life was great, and treasure which Britain can ill spare in her present deranged state of finance, was profusely squandered. For what purpose? It is not prudent to risk so much on an outpost, while our safety is at stake at home. The mania of this war-loving empire has been great, and vast exertions have been made by a venal press to keep up the delusion. In the view of some sober observers, Spain and Portugal afford not a ray of rational and well found ed hope, yet on this subject popular delusion is still at work, and in spite of reiterated disappointments, daydreams are still indulged.

As if hostility with almost the whole of Europe was not sufficient to satiate a love of war, which yet does not arise either from the magnanimity of true courage, nor even from the phantom of a chivalrous vain glory, but from a sordid miscalculating policy of ministers seeking by a low ambition to cling to place by the appearance of displaying affected vigour, and of a people wishing to domineer in the spirit of haughtiness over their neigh. bours without possessing the power, we have now the prospect of war with the United States of America. Matters were in such a situation, and the irritation so great, that a small spark was only wanting to kindle the flame. The pernicious orders in council, bear ing so hard and so unfairly on neutral commerce, the haughty conduct of British commanders on meeting American vessels, and the impressment of sailors from them under the claim of

BELFAST MAG. NO. XXXVI.

taking British `seamen, had roused a spirit of opposition in the American executive, and we believe in a decided majority of the people. At this crisis the President, an American ship of war, commanded by Captain Rodgers, met the Little Belt, a British sloop of inferior force, under the command of Captain Bingham. They hailed each other, and both refused to answer first. The captains differ in their statement, as to which vessel fired the first shot, but an engagement took place, in which nine of the British were killed, and a considerable number wounded. It is probable that a force will be sent out to demand satisfaction. The American government may think they have also grave matters of complaint against Britain for which satisfaction is equally due, and thus it is probable that the mutual recriminations which have long been the subject of negociation between the two governments, and which produced a species of indi rect commercial hostility, will finally be given to the arbitration of the sword. It is fashionable to treat lightly the capability of America to resist or annoy the power of Britain. But the British government and people exactly argued in like manner in the war of independ ence, The event showed the fallacy of such shallow reasoning, and the boast of a member of the Irish parliament in that day, that" with the watch of Saint Andrew's parish in the city of Dublin, he could march from one end of the continent to the other," was not realized, although the absur dity of the vain boast did not shock the credibility of many in that day, for then, as well as in later periods the fund of credulity was very great. A people with a free representative government are capable of displaying powerful energies, and we may live to lament the effects of those counsels, which are so prompt to extend the flames of war, Much may be lost,

K