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THE political sky of Ireland, like its natural sky, has always been capricious, unbalanced and turbulent. The constituent elements, in both, appear in perpetual conflict, and never to harmonize, for any length of time, into a quiet se renity. "Coelum crebris nubibus, et imbribus fœdum," said old Camden, when speaking of our climate, and, in a short sentence, characterizes both the natural and political history of Ireland. Of late, however, both the natural and political sky have assumed a more settled aspect. A greater concord, a more perfect assimilation, seems to have drawn their respective elements into steadier union; and order and tranquil ity will, we trust, be the result.

Many have ascribed our fine weather to the influence of the comet. The comet has, perhaps, as little share in this effect, as the one which appeared in France during the sickness of Cardinal Mazarin, had in his recovery. There were not found wanting courtiers at that time, who were no way ashamed of telling the minister of the day, that the comet had appeared to congratulate the world on his approaching convalescence. "Ah! gentlemen," replied the polite Italian, "the comet does me too much honour!"

Yet it is pleasing to see even the common mind cease to associate such appearances, with the calamities of humanity, and the visitations of divine vengeance, but would rather

chuse to connect them with a more quiet and serene temperature of the atmosphere, with a joyous harvest, and a plentiful season. The rude and savage mind is terrified by such unusual appearances, and as

cribes them to the demon of the tribe, never to the divinity of nature. In his view, the comet will spread from its horrid hair, pestilence, and famine, and death. But every step man advances in knowledge, he sees more of the beneficence of nature; and the extraordinary phenomena of the skies, are, in his contemplation, the uscent and descent of angels, ministering good to this or other worlds, and as one of this kind, he hails the lucid minister of the present day.

To

To what influence are we to attribute the grand phenomenon which figures at present so auspiciously in our political sky, not portending the pestilence, but promising all the blessings of peace, good order, and equality of rights-we mean the coalition and combination of the Protestants and Catholics of Ireland, in the furtherance of the emancipation of the latter, and their mutual welfare and prosperity? what angel, what divine minister are we to ascribe this salutary interposition?-To the GENIUS of the British constitution, making its way through the shadows, clouds, and darkness, that at times rest upon it, and revealing itself from the haze of legal fiction, and professional ambiguity, in its native and primitive splendour; honest in its intentions, liberal in its dispensations, and looking with magnanimous contempt, on every plausible pretext for retaining the power of political persecution, disguised under the term-toleration.

If, however, malignant causes must be brought to account for natural effects, if the introduction of a comet in all its red-hot fierceness,

be necessary to account for the unexpected brightness of the political horizon, we should be inclined to think that the nucleus of this comet was contained within the wig of Dr. Duigenan. We should assert that from the admission of this portentous phenomenon into the privy council of Ireland, may be dated a new era of things, and of public opinion. Such is the divine transmutation of supposed evils, into eventful blessings, that this globe of burning bigotry, with its bifurcated tail of proclamation, and circular let ter, so awful in appearance, and so ominous in its warnings, will turn out an exhalation innocent in itself, but of most essential benefit, in rousing all that is man within the Catholic bosom, and awakening every social sympathy in the breasts of their Protestant brethren.

The pith and marrow of the learned Doctors' political pamphlets, the wings by which he himself, and several others, learned in the law, have flown up from the bar to the bench, lie in such sentences as the following:-" The people being the supreme power in the state, is no doctrine of the British constitution"—"the exclusion of the great mass of the people, is a principle of the constitution.'-" the King acting in conjunction with his parliament, acts in conjunction with his people.' "The majesty of the people is, really and truly, an irregular and unconstitutional phrase." On such phrases, and the practical para phrase upon such phrases, have these men ascended the very top of the Protestant ascendancy, and there they sit like cormorants on the topmost branch of the tree of knowledge-in their profession.

sons,

Well, all this has, at proper seabeen swallowed by readers interested in the doctrine, but never it thoroughly digested. The

we

people may be insulted once and again, but in clay itself, and not less in human clay, there is still an elasticity. The enemies of freedom and franchise have of late, as think most fortunately for the event, overleaped the pale of sound discretion They have acted in direct contradiction and contempt of common sense They have shocked the common feelings of mankind. They have roused a host of sensations the most instinctive, and of sympathies the most catching. They have identified and incorporated the case of the Catholics with every thinking man among the Protestants of Ire land. The cause is his own. He himself, his family, his latest posterity have an interest, equal to that of his Catholic neighbour, in the decision of a question where a right of nature is denied, where the right of petitioning is obstructed. The majesty of heaven receives the supplications of the most sinful mortal. But every pelting petty officer interferes his veto between a supplicant people and their constituted authorities, and what has this denial of a natural right effected? Why, thanks to Lord Manners and Dr. Duigenan, it has wrought a confraternity and coalition among the Protestants and Catholics of Ireland, which, without such means would not have taken place: it has dispersed into dust the plausible pretext of withholding the rights of the whole community, from a fear of disobliging a part; and it has supplied a solid argument to the wishes of the Prince Regent, in the pressing political necessity of conforming to the wishes and wants of the universal Irish nation. His best affections are already with that nation.

There is a sympathy between his personal and their national nature, both generous, frank-hearted, candid, and convivial; both kept down,

for a length of years, from a display of their native good qualities, by unfavourable times and circumstances; both circumvented and corded down by unconstitutional restrictions; both glowing to manifest themselves in their true character, and gloriously to belie the malicious whisperings of ostensible friends, and secret enemies. Yes-his best affections range upon the side of the Irish people, and on the same side, his best and truest policy. His honour, his honesty, and his interest, converge in his patronage of this people, and the early and explicit manifestation of his sentiments on the full recognition of the rights of the Catholics to a plenary enjoyment of the whole British constitution.

Never since the earliest period of British history, was the happiness or misery, the weal or woe of millions more intimately connected with the choice of conduct about to be adopted by a single man. The des tinies of the human-kind in these countries will shortly depend upon the determination of an individual. A restricted prince, a restricted people, and a parliament uncontrouled by the constituent, dictating to the executive, and superceding the whole constitution.-Such an unnatural conjunction of things cannot exist. An EMANCIPATED PRINCE WILL EMANCIPATE HIS PEOPLE, and the glorious result will be, unanimity, order, and PEACE.

The striking feature in the face of Ireland, during the last month, has been the agreement of the Protestants with the Catholics, in the expediency, and justice of emancipation, the matter, which, by many hitherto, was thought proper and peculiar, but is now, more truly, deemed common, and national. The council has been placed in a most aukward predicament. The Castle, in military phrase, has been masqued; and the

popular interpretation of the law, has made triumphant progress throughout the whole kingdom. Not a single county in Ireland which will not have appointed their confidential men to prepare a petition, and to confer upon the subject with the Catholic committee in the Metropolis. What may take place in the courts of law is yet to be seen, but the verdict of public opinion has already been declared. Privy councils may be divided, the judges themselves may already be in parties on the subject, but the people appear to be unanimous.

Matter

It is a great happiness that this subject is now considered merely in a political point of view, embracing all sects in religion, all ranks in society, and little, if at all under a religious aspect. It is in this latter, that the enemies of popular rights have contrived to disguise the ques tion, and thus to raise, round the caldron, the ghosts of prejudice and the spectres of superstition. indeed it is of constant wonder and lamentation, how men impose upon others by an abuse of the sacred name of religion, and often impose upon themselves. The honourable Arthur Hodges, who was lately executed at Tortola, for the murder of his negro slave, and who had been accessary to the murder of many more, in his speech, says "as bad as I have been represented, or as bad as you may think me, I assure you, I feel support in my affliction, from having felt a proper sense of religion: all men are liable to error, but I cannot but say that principle (of religion) is inherent in me." word of the Scottish rebels under Vontrose in the year 1744,-was "Jesus"—and no quarter," and thus it is with some at the present day who have Jesus, and religion in their mouths, but no quarter in their hearts, and who wish from party mo

The