The peasant's vine is rooted up, his cottage given to flame; That live-long night the horn was heard from Orleans* to Anjou, † The blaze that shone o'er proud Brissac || was like the breaking day, And through the night, on horse and foot, the sleepless summons flew, There, leading his bold marksmen, rode the eagle-eyed Lescure,‡‡ We marched by tens of thousands, we marched by day and night, *Orléans, ör-lä-än(g). † Anjou, än(g)-zhô. Luçon, lu-sân(g). § Parthenay, pär-te-nā. †† Poitou, pwä-tô. ‡‡ Lescure, les-cure. §§ Stofflet, stof-flā. III Bonchamp, bân(g)-shän(g). ¶¶ Charette, shǎ-rět. *** *** la Rochejaquelein, lah-rösh-zhäk-lăn(g). ttt Cathelineau, căt-êh-lî-nō. We tore their bayonets from their hands, we slew them at their guns; In vain they hid their heads in walls; we rushed on stout Thouar; We burst its gates; then like a wind we rushed on Fontenay ; † Vihiers; § We charged them with our naked breasts, and took them with a cheer. We'll hunt the robbers through the land, from Seine to sparkling Rhone; Now, "Here's a health to all we love, our king shall have his own." CXLVII, -THE AWAKING OF A GREAT NATION. MILTON. METHINKS I see, in my mind, a noble and puissant nation rousing herself like a strong man after sleep, and shaking her invincible locks; methinks I see her as an eagle mewing her mighty youth, and kindling her dazzled eyes at the full midday beam; purging and unscaling her long abused sight at the fountain itself of heavenly radiance; while the whole noise of timorous and flocking birds, with those also that love the twilight, flutter about, amazed at what she means, and, in their envious gabble, would prognosticate a year of sects and schisms. Thouar, tô-är. † Fontenay, fân(g)-teh-nă. Montreuil, mân(g)-trërl. || Seine, sān. CXLVIII. - ADDRESS AT GETTYSBURG. PRESIDENT LINCOLN. [ABRAHAM LINCOLN was born in Hardin County, Kentucky, February 12, 1809. After a youth of toil and struggle, he studied law, and was admitted to the bar in 1836. In the autumn of 1846 he was elected a representative in Congress from the central district of Illinois, and served in that capacity for one term. In November, 1860, he was chosen President of the United States, and reëlected to the same office in 1864. On the evening of April 14, 1865, he was assassinated at the theatre in Washington. This execrable deed excited throughout the country a degree of horror, indignation, and grief unparalleled in history. The death of President Lincoln was also universally felt to be an irreparable misfortune to the country, as he had acquired the confidence of men of all parties from his pure and disinterested patriotism, his sincere conscientiousness, his kindness of heart, and the sound practical sense which he was applying to the solution of the important political problems which the close of the war had devolved upon the government. The battle of Gettysburg, in Pennsylvania, was fought on the first, second, and third days of July, 1863, between the United States troops under General Meade and the rebel forces under General Lee. The result of the successive conflicts was the entire defeat of the rebels. A portion of the field of battle was appropriated for a cemetery for the Union soldiers who fell in the fight, and was duly consecrated by religious services on the 19th of November, 1863. An interesting historical and patriotic discourse was pronounced by Mr. Everett, after which President Lincoln spoke as follows.] FOURSCORE and seven years ago, our fathers brought forth upon this continent a new nation, conceived in liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, 5 testing whether that nation or any nation, so conceived and so dedicated can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We are met to dedicate a portion of it as the final resting-place of those who have given their lives that that nation might live. 10 It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this. But, in a larger sense, we cannot dedicate, we cannot consecrate, we cannot hallow, this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our power to add or to detract. The world will 15 very little note, nor long remember, what we say here; but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us, the living, rather, to be dedicated, here, to the unfinished work that they have thus far so nobly carried on. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us; that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which 5 they here gave the last full measure of devotion; that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain; that the nation shall, under God, have a new birth of freedom, and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth. CXLIX. SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS. [The following discourse was pronounced by President Lincoln, March 4, 1865, on the occasion of his being for a second time inducted into the office of President of the United States.] FELLOW-COUNTRYMEN: At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential office, there is less occasion for an extended address than there was at the first. Then a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be 5 pursued seemed very fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of four years, during which public declarations have constantly been called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which still absorbs the attention and engrosses the energies of the nation, little that is new 10 could be presented. The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in re15 gard to it is ventured. On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all thoughts were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded it, all sought to avoid it. While the inaugural address was being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it without war, seeking to dissolve the Union and divide the effects by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war; but one of them would 5 make war rather than let the nation survive, and the other would accept war rather than let it perish; and the war came. One eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the Union, but located in the southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and 10 powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the object for which the insurgents would rend the Union by war, while government claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial enlarge15 ment of it. Neither party expected the magnitude or the duration which it has already attained. Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease even before the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. 20 Both read the same Bible, and pray to the same God, and 25 each invokes his aid against the other. It may seem strange that any man should dare to ask a just God's assistance in wringing his bread from the sweat of other men's faces. But let us judge not, that we be not judged. The prayer of both should not be answered. That of neither has beer answered fully. The Almighty has his own purposes. "Woe unto the world because of offences, for it must needs be that offences come; but woe to that man by 30 whom the offence cometh." If we shall suppose that American slavery is one of these offences, which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having continued through his appointed time, he now wills to remove, and that he gives to both North and South this 35 terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offence came, shall we discern therein any departure from those |