EVERY

nature of the president of the Continental Congress, in 1776. With a hand as firm as his heart, he affixed that signature to the Declaration of Independence, saying, "The British ministry can read that name without spectacles; let them double their reward." He was born at Braintree, Massachusetts, in 1737, and at an early age was left to the care of a paternal uncle, a wealthy merchant of Boston, who cherished his future heir with great affection. At a proper age, John was placed in Harvard College, where he was graduated in 1754, when only seventeen years old. He then entered his uncle's counting-room as clerk; and such was his integrity and capacity, that in 1761, he was sent to England on a business mission. There he saw the coronation of George the Third, and

1. The fac-simile above given is a third smaller than the original. It was reduced to accommodate it to the page.

2. This was in reference to a large reward that had been offered for the apprehension of John Hancock and Samuel Adams, early in 1775, they being considered arch-rebels.

became acquainted with some of the leading men in London. When he was twenty-six years of age, his uncle died, and left him a large fortune-the largest in New England-and he became not only one of the most eminent of the Boston merchants, but a leader in the best society of Massachusetts. Fond of popularity and the excitements of public life, he entered the arena of politics, and became a leader of the republican party in New England. He represented Boston in the General Assembly, in 1766, and was much esteemed by those noble colleagues, Otis, Cushing, and the Adamses. He stood shoulder to shoulder with those patriots in resistance to the obnoxious measures of parliament, which succeeded the Stamp Act;' and one of the earliest of the popular outbreaks in Boston was in consequence of the seizure of one of Mr. Hancock's vessels by the officers of the customs. He was an abettor of the tea-riot, in 1773; and in March following, he boldly delivered the annual oration, in commemoration of the "Boston massacre."3 The same year he was chosen president of the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts, and also a delegate to the Continental Congress, which convened in Philadelphia, in September. He was a member of that body the following year, and on the resignation of its president, Peyton Randolph, Mr. Hancock was chosen to fill that exalted seat. He performed his arduous duties with dignity and fidelity; and when, in July, 1776, the Declaration of Independence was adopted, it was sent forth to the world with the names of only President Hancock and Secretary Thomson attached.4

Mr. Hancock's health became impaired, in 1777, by the ravages of gout, a disease hereditary in the family, and he resigned his seat in Congress, and returned home, with a hope and desire for happiness in the repose of domestic life. But his fellow-citizens soon sought his aid in the preparation of a constitution for the new republican State of Massachusetts. He assisted them with cheerfulness, and he was honored by an election to the chief magistracy of the commonwealth under its new organization. He held the office five consecutive years, and then declined a reëlection. In 1787, he was again elected governor, and held that position, by the annual choice of the people, until his death, which occurred on the 8th of October, 1793, at the age of fifty-six years. From the first appearance of Mr. Hancock in public life, until his death, a period of about thirty years, no man was more popular in New England. He did not possess extraordinary talent, but was endowed with great tact, a clear perception of human character and the secret of its control, and made a liberal and judicious use of his large fortune in acts of benevolence, and for public good. He was beloved by all his cotemporaries for his courtesy and kindness of heart, and his enemies were only those who foolishly allowed political differences to engender ill-will in their own hearts.

1. In 1767, Mr. Hancock was elected a member of the executive council, but the governor rejected him. He was again and again elected, and as often rejected. At last the governor, who knew his character well, and feared his popularity, admitted him to a seat. Previous to his first election to the council, the governor, hoping to win him to the cause of the crown, presented him with a lieutenant's commission. Mr. Hancock perceived the bribe in the proffered honor, and tore up the commission in the presence of the people.

2. His sloop Liberty was seized by the officers of customs, under a charge of concealing contraband goods. The people turned out, beat the officers, burned the government boat, and drove the officials to the fort in the harbor, for safety.

3. See notes on pages 59 and 87. For several years a public oration was pronounced on the anniversary of the event alluded to.

4. The other signatures were attached to the document on the 2d of August following, when the Declaration was duly engrossed on parchment.

5. When, in 1778, General Sullivan prepared to attack the British on Rhode Island, and called upon the New England militia for aid, Mr. Hancock took the field, for a short time, as commander of those of his own State. He was a participator in the stirring events near Bristol Ferry, at the northern end of Rhode Island, in August, 1778.

HENRY LAURENS.

161

HENRY LAURENS.

HE descendants of the Huguenots, or French Protestant refugees, who fled to the principles of their ancestors when the War for Independence was kindling, and almost to a man were found on the side of the republicans. Of these, Henry Laurens, of South Carolina, was one of the most active and uncompromising patriots of that period. He was born in Charleston, in 1724, became a successful merchant, and in 1770, retired from business with a large fortune. He had already taken part in the political movements in the province, and when he went to England, in 1771, for the pleasure of change, he there heartily espoused the patriot cause, in the disputes then growing warmer and warmer. He even justified the people of Boston, in the destruction of the tea, in 1773, for he persisted in regarding it in its political aspect only; and in the British metropolis he was looked upon as a rebel, though he had not yet committed an overt act of rebellion. Mr. Laurens returned to Charleston, in 1774, and presided over the first Provincial Congress, held in that city in January, 1775. When the Congress appointed a council of safety to act in its stead, Mr. Laurens was chosen president of that body. It was an office equivalent to that of governor, and consequently he may be regarded as the first republican chief magistrate of South Carolina. When a temporary constitution for the new State was framed in 1776, he was made vice-president under it; and the following year he was elected to a seat in the Continental Congress. He was chosen its president, in November, 1777, but resigned the office in December, 1778. In 1779, Congress appointed him minister plenipotentiary to Holland, to negotiate a commercial treaty with that power, but he did not sail for Europe until the Summer of 1780. The vessel that conveyed him was captured by a British frigate. Mr. Laurens cast his papers into the sea, but as they did not sink immediately, they were recovered, and disclosed the fact that Holland had already been in secret negotiation with the revolted colonies. That discovery led to a declaration of war by Great Britain against Holland. Laurens was taken to London, and imprisoned in the Tower about fourteen months, under a charge of high treason. For some time he was not allowed the solace of conversation, books, pen, ink, paper, or the receipt of letters. That rigor was abated, yet his confinement made terrible inroads upon his constitution. At length public sentiment expressed its displeasure because of his treatment, and the ministry, fearing retaliation on the part of the Americans, desired an excuse to release him. One of his friends was instructed to say, that he should be pardoned, if he would write a note to Lord North, and express his sorrow for what he had done. "Pardon!" exclaimed Laurens indignantly. "I have done nothing to require a pardon, and I will never subscribe to my own infamy and the dishonor of my children." He could never be induced to make the least concessions; and finally, when public clamor for his release became too vehement to be longer disregarded, the ministry had him admitted to bail' on security procured by themselves, and he was discharged

1. In that ceremony, when the words of the recognizance, "Our Sovereign Lord the King," were read, Mr. Laurens immediately said, "Not my sovereign!" On another occasion, when he was requested to write to his son, John, then on a mission to France, and advise him to leave that country, Mr. Laurens replied, "My son is of age, and has a will of his own; if I should write to him in the terms you request, it would have no effect, he would only conclude that confinement and persuasion had softened me. know him to be a man of honor. He loves me dearly, and would lay down his life to save mine; but I am sure he would not sacrifice his honor to save mine, and I applaud him." That son was worthy of such a father. He was sent to France to solicit a loan. He was assured by Vergennes, the French minister, that his king had every disposition to favor the Americans. Young Laurens withdrew to the opposite side of the room, and said, with emphasis," Favor, sir! The respect which I owe to my country will not admit the term. Say that the obligation is mutual, and I cheerfully subscribe to the obligation. But as the last argument I shall offer to your excellency, the sword which I now wear in defence of

before the allotted time of trial. Lord Shelburne was then premier, and he solicited Mr. Laurens to remain in Europe, and assist in the pending negotiations for peace. Laurens complied; and in November, 1782, he signed the preliminary treaty between the United States and Great Britain. Soon after that event, he returned home, suffering much from the effects of his rigorous confinement. His constitution was shattered beyond recovery, and he steadily refused the honors of official station frequently offered him by his grateful countrymen. His health gradually failed, and on the 8th of December, 1792, he expired, when almost sixty-nine years of age. The following remarkable injunction, expressed in his Will, was literally complied with: "I solemnly enjoin it on my son, as an indispensable duty, that as soon as he conveniently can after my decease, he cause my body to be wrapped in twelve yards of tow-cloth, and burnt until it be entirely consumed, and then, collecting my bones, deposit them wherever he he may think proper."

JAMES OTIS.

TIS was a flame of fire. With a promptitude of classical allusions, a depth of legal authorities, a prophetic glance of his eyes into futurity, and a rapid torrent of impetuous eloquence, he hurried away all before him. American Independence was then and there born." Such was the expressed estimate of the power and influence of James Otis, by John Adams, when writing of that early patriot's great speech against Writs of Assistance,' before the General Court of Massachusetts. He was the son of Colonel James Otis, of Barnstable, and was born there on the 5th of February, 1725. He was educated at Harvard College, where he was graduated in 1743. Choosing the law for a profession, he studied it under the eminent Jeremy Gridley, and commenced its practice at Plymouth when he was twenty-one years of age. Two years afterward, he went to Boston to reside, where his talent and integrity soon raised him to a front rank in his profession. It was in 1761 that he made the powerful speech above alluded to, on which occasion he was opposed by his law-tutor, Mr. Gridley, then attorneygeneral of the province. "Every man of an immense crowded assembly," wrote John Adams, "appeared to go away, as I did, ready to take up arms against Writs of Assistance." The following year Mr. Otis was elected to a seat in the Massachusetts General Assembly, and he became the head and front of opposition to aggressive ministerial measures, in New England. In the Colonial Congress of delegates at New York, in 1765, gathered in consequence of the passage of the Stamp Act, Mr. Otis was an efficient member; and the same year he wrote and published, in pamphlet form, a powerful vindication of the rights of the colonies. It was re-published in London, and awakened the ire of ministers to such a degree that they threatened the author with arrest on a charge of

France, as well as my own country, unless the succor I solicit is immediately accorded, I may be compelled, within a short time, to draw against France as a British subject. I must now inform your excellency that my next memorial will be presented to his majesty, in person." This bold reply had great effect upon Vergennes, for he most dreaded a reconciliation between the United States and Great Britain. True to his promise, Laurens attended at the audience chamber of the king, the next day, and presented his memorial, in person, to his majesty. It was handed to Count Segur, and on the following day Laurens was officially informed that the required aid should be given. The succor came, and in the Autumn, by the assistance of French funds, and French soldiers and seamen, Cornwallis was captured, and the death blow to British power in America was given. That noble young man was killed in a skirmish on the banks of the Combahee, at the close of hostilities, in Angust, 1782, when he was only twenty-nine years of age. He had been Washington's aid, and that chief loved him as a child. Greene wrote, "The State will feel his loss."

1. See note 2, page 122.

Games Otrs

sedition. For several years, Mr. Otis held the office of judge advocate. Becoming disgusted with the continually developing government schemes to enslave the colonies, he determined to dissolve all personal connection with the crown party, and resigned that lucrative office, in 1767.

Mr. Otis was sometimes unnecessarily caustic in the use of his tongue and pen. In the Summer of 1769, he published some severe strictures upon the conduct of the commissioners of customs, and early in September, he had a personal affray with one of them, named Robinson, and others. Robinson struck Otis a severe blow on the head, with a bludgeon, from the effects of which he never recovered. His brain was injured and his reason was dethroned. A jury, in a civil suit against the ruffian, awarded a verdict of ten thousand dollars, damages. Otis had lucid intervals, and during one of them, he magnanimously forgave his destroyer when he craved the boon, and generously refused to receive a dollar of the sum awarded to him. For many years afterward the patriot lived on, with his great intellect in ruins, a comparatively useless man and a deep grief to his relatives.1 None loved him more devotedly, or grieved more

1. The following anecdote is related of Mr. Otis as illustrative of his ready use of Latin even during moments of mental aberration. Men and boys, heartless and thoughtless, would sometimes make themselves merry at his expense when he was seen in the streets afflicted with lunacy. On one occasion he was passing a crockery store, when a young man, who had a knowledge of Latin, sprinkled some water upon him from a sprinkling-pot with which he was wetting the floor of the second story, at the same time saying, Pluit tantum, nescio quantum, Scis ne tu?"It rains so much, I know not how much. Do you know?" Otis immediately picked up a missile, and, hurling it through the window of the crockery