No man

parties which have since divided the country arose at that time, though they became more distinctly marked afterwards. On these points he differed from some of his old and esteemed associates. The separation grew wider and wider, until what was at first an honest difference of judgment grew into alienation and antipathy. These things could not move him from his course. was ever less intimidated by the storms of party rage. It is believed he was so far from exasperating the passions which were then roused, as to sacrifice much of his own feelings to the interest of peace and moderation. He gave the weight of his high standing and talents to the side which he thought was right, and was regarded as its most efficient leader in the state. This exposed him to much virulence and abuse. And what eminent man has not been subject to calumny? He was consistent through his whole public life, and, when the most provoking obloquy was heaped upon him, never returned railing for railing." He had too much good sense, philosophy and piety, to be thus guilty. Whoever reads his productions, will be struck with their calmness, justness and forbearance. His eye was fixed upon the truth, and the everlasting welfare of his country; and he was too elevated to suffer by traducers who wished to ruin him. This moderation, as was natural, only inflamed them the more; but his firm and conciliatory conduct did not fail of gaining the respect of liberal and fair opponents; and they who were halting between the two parties were won by it to his side. Never did any great man more completely and honorably triumph over his enemies. Every year, to the last, added strength and stability to his reputation, and he died invested with the highest office in the gift of his native state, and was universally mourned."

In a letter, dated the 11th of May, 1804, to General Dearborn, then secretary of war, he states, in the freedom

* General Dearborn, born in 1751, at Hampton, N. H., was distinguished at

and frankness of private correspondence, some of the diffi culties he had to encounter in keeping himself within the ranks of the republicans. He says: "I have thought much on an idea, expressed in your letter, that you were glad, for reasons you mention, that I had taken a decided part with the republicans. It is true that I have, for a number of years, refused to stand as candidate for governor of Massachusetts. I never did wish to have the office, nor do I now want it. It can never add to my pecuniary interest, honor or happiness; it may deprive me of my ease, and injure my property. But, in the present year, though I had no expectation of being elected, I wished to exhibit to our tyrants a phalanx, which would check their rage for domination; and, knowing that there could not be a strong union of the republicans in any other person, I consented to be nominated, and do not mean ever to withdraw my name, even if there should be no more than five votes for it. The measure has had a great, a wonderful effect, and has accomplished much towards saving our national constitution under the present administration.

"My principles have never been less decided, or less concealed, than they now are. I have, in the day of the cockade tyranny, suffered every abuse that Dana, Thacher, Parsons and the greatest part of the bar, could give without being called on for personal satisfaction. I have been several times driven to that disagreeable resource. When Jefferson's administration, and personal character, were Bunker Hill, before Quebec, and at Saratoga. He attracted the special attention of Washington at Monmouth, was on the Indian campaign, and at Yorktown; and, before the latter engagement, had reached the rank of colonel. He settled after the war on the Kennebec, and was twice elected to Congress. He was a warm friend of Judge Sullivan, and their correspondence was frequent and intimate. Retiring from the cabinet at the close of the Jefferson administration, he succeeded General Lincoln as collector of Boston, and, in the war of 1812, was selected for the command of the northern army. His character was frank, generous and manly, and his address and manner, though always dignified, both easy and affable.

attacked, I came out openly, under the signature of Plain Truth, and vindicated him. The effects of these productions have been everywhere acknowledged.

"But yet, sir, there is a great difficulty in taking a part with all the men in Boston who call themselves republicans. That accursed plot against public and private integrity, called the funding system, has overthrown all the principles of national politics in this town. The numerous banks, and other speculating and oppressive corporations, have exterminated all ideas of citizenship, and concentrated the exertions and faculties of the people in the point of avarice. In all the projects of public utility the republicans have no concern, but in other speculations they are much engaged. You will see that one man, lately chosen a representative in Boston, had nineteen hundred votes, while each one of the others had eleven hundred only. He is at the head of a party which projected another bank, called the Exchange Bank, upon the absurd principle of taking the notes of all banks in payment. Both parties voted for him, because his influence for the moment was above them all. I was seriously informed that, if I would appear in the caucus, and pledge myself to endeavor to procure a law that each bank should be obliged to take the bills of all others in payment, I should have a majority of votes for governor. I need not detail to you the reasons why I treated this overture with contempt.

"You could not raise in Boston five hundred dollars to maintain a free press, or to preserve the republican interest. But when the hope of gain, or the chagrin of disappointment, stimulates an individual, then he becomes violent and noisy for democracy. If corruption is to become the vital principle of a government, I believe that an elective democracy will be infinitely worse for the people than a monarchy can be. The corruption of a few tyrants will be more toler able than that of many; and the further the seat of corruption is from us the safer we are. I therefore believe we had

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better have remained British colonies than to be in a state of corrupted independence. You will, perhaps, laugh at these ideas, as evidence of my want of acquaintance with mankind. I wish I knew less of them; but the great body of the people in our country towns, who, by the way, have vastly more understanding than the speculating tribe in Boston, are in love with an elective democracy, and will maintain it. They now begin to see that there are men who, under the guise of federalism, are endeavoring to introduce a mixed monarchy, or a dissolution of our present national constitution. Indeed, their leaders openly avow it, and say that the people are incapable of maintaining a free government. Whatever evidence the town of Boston may afford them, they are wrong on the whole."

CHAPTER V.

CANVASS FOR GOVERNOR.

SUCH is believed to have been the condition of parties in Massachusetts, and such the political opinions and position of Sullivan, when he was nominated, in 1804, for the chief magistracy. Caleb Strong had been elected for the four preceding years, and the federalists reluctantly relinquished their hold on power. Supported by a highly respectable array of ability and character on their side, they were long able to make effectual resistance against every aggressive effort of the republicans. Of the vote cast in the capital, Strong received one thousand nine hundred and eighty, and Sullivan but six hundred and fifty. The latter was said to have lost three hundred votes by his report upon municipal reform, of which the objectionable feature, the election of the intendant by the town council, had been adopted contrary to his judgment. Several others voted against him for his well-known opposition to the existing system of banking, established then, as now, upon an inadequate specie basis. In the whole commonwealth, the aggregate for the federal candidate was about thirty thousand; for the republican, twenty-four thousand.

The National Ægis, of Worcester, had been lukewarm during the canvass, and, when charged with recreancy to the cause of democracy, the editor, Francis Blake, assigned as a reason, his unwillingness to support the republican candidate. Many years before, a misunderstanding had