Teutones,* is a very vexed question, supported ably and reasonably from opposite sides. Ancient writers, who call them Germans, may have only intended to say that they came from Germany. On the other hand, Cicero and Sallust, who call them Gauls, may have done so because the name of German was hardly yet known, and all northern people were regarded as Gauls, as in Greece they were vaguely named Scythians. We perceive that the learned Dr. Leonhard Schmitz, in his article on the Cimbri in Smith's Geographical Dictionary, accedes decidedly to what we have been accustomed to regard as the English view,—that is, the old-fashioned belief that they were Celtic. He also identifies the word with the Welsh national name Kymry, which we familiarly know in Cambria and Cumberland. This, we suppose, is inevitable with those who regard them as Celts; yet, as we shall presently say, it might lead them to take one step further. But we must first give prominence to an argument concerning the language of the Cimbri, in which Dr. Latham shows how very ingenious and how very bold he can be. Pliny, in discussing the geography of the Baltic coast and Jutland, tells us that Hecatæus calls the Baltic Amalchius, a name which, in the Scythian tongue, signifies Frozen; but that according to Philemon, the Cimbrians call it Morimarusa, that is, Dead Sea. On this Prichard has made a remark, which, superadded to all the rest, appeared to settle the fact of the Cimbri talking the language of the Kymri, or modern Welsh-namely, that Môr-marw in Welsh means Dead Sea ;- a meaning," says Dr. P., " which does not belong, I believe, to similar vocables in any German dialect." To this Latham replies, that Pliny has probably mistaken Cimmerians for Cimbrians, since the Greek Philemon is not likely to have written about the Baltic; that the Baltic could not be called a dead sea [though liable to be frozen], but the Sea of Azof and Putrid Sea notoriously can; that if Morimarusa is good Welsh, it is also good Slavonic in the very same sense, and perhaps is found again in the Sea of Marmora. In short, therefore, it was not the name given by Welsh Cimbri to the Baltic, but the name given by Slavonic Cimmerii to the Palus Mæotis.

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Fourthly; it is not to be thrown out of sight that Appian and Diodorus distinctly entitle the Gauls who invaded Greece "Cimbrians;" and with Plutarch, Justin, and Strabo, they represent the Cimbrian invasion of Gaul to have come up the Drave.

The modern use of "Teutonic" for Theodisc or Deutsch, as a collective name for all the Germans, is rightly esteemed delusive by Latham. Teutones with the Romans was the name of one sharply-defined tribe, whose relation to other tribes of Germany, Switzerland, Gaul, or Illyria, is left obscure. It is difficult to believe that the other Germans would call one small tribe of themselves emphatically Teut, "The People."

In narrating, indeed, the earlier course of the movement, it is evident that mere theory guided them: the name of the Cimmerii deluding some, and the known seat of the Cimbri in Jutland biasing others. But that Illyricum and Moesia were the scene of their marauding expeditions before they met the Roman arms in Noricum, is stated with too many circumstances to be wholly rejected. Hence those who believe that the name Cimbri was spread over all Britain as well as Jutland, cannot justly be incredulous as to the name belonging equally to the powerful Gaulish tribes on the north of Greece and Illyria; and if so, it appears an open question whether the Marian Cimbri did not come from Upper Mosia, or Pannonia. The feeble tribe of Cimbrians in Denmark, surrounded by Germans, may have learnt the German tongue, and have thus been accounted German by the Romans, and yet be pleased to boast of the great deeds of the Cimbrian invasion as its own.

It is time to endeavour to sum up. What, on the whole, do we seem to learn as to the tribes of ancient Germany?

We find a people, then, as now,-on the whole homogeneous and conscious of unity, yet having no fixed political centres, and no uniformity of political system. The more eastern was the tribe, the more decidedly was it monarchical. The Goths, on Scythian soil, had defined dynastic races, like Scythians and Persians. The Gothones in Prussia (whatever their race) had also a constitutional royalty; so had the Getæ and Dacians. Less methodised and fixed was the royalty of the Quadi in the south-east of Germany, and of the Suevi, the greatest of the confederations, which stretched from the south-west diagonally over half of Germany. Descending from the highlands to the banks of the Rhine or shores of the German ocean, we pass from royalty into republicanism-with a strong inclination indeed to revere the offspring of great men, but not so as to hinder the rise of plebeian merit. Already there must have been not only the great distinction of German and Dane, but also deeply marked dialects, such as come to their extreme in the Frisian and Dutch at one end, in the Swiss and Austrian at the other. In the republican part of the country, the confederacies themselves, and not only their centres, were constantly shifting. At one time Ariovistus the Suevian is the formidable power, chief of a very motley host, not the proper Suevian league; afterwards the Sugambri; then the Cheruscans; then the Chatti; later, again, the Alemanni and the Franks. No one of these confederacies at all spreads over the same tribes as another, but varics, just as in Greece an Athenian, a Theban, a Thessalian, an Achaian league. On the other hand, the Suevian confederacy had far greater permanence, and is in some respects comparable

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to the middle-age German empire. It is generally governed by a king; and between the era of Augustus and Trajan, the race of Maroboduus was signal in it; yet, as an elective monarchy, it was often shifting. Maroboduus himself was a "marcomann," borderer of the Danube; but we find also Vannius the Quade, and Catualda the Gothon, in the chief authority. Thus the Suevian system was a sort of mean between that of Goths or Dacians, and that of Low Germany; which is in harmony with what we might expect from other considerations. The Suevian power often included the Lygians within it, although the Lygians had an internal confederacy of their own; a phenomenon so common in ancient Greece, that we must not rest on it too exclusively as any proof that the Lygians were of foreign race. Among the Suevians proper, Strabo expressly includes the Semnones; but excludes the Lygians. He says that the Suevi reach from the Rhine to the Elbe, and in part extend beyond the Elbe; -are partly within the forest [the Bohemian north-east limit?], and partly beyond it, on the frontier of the Getæ. Tacitus regards the Suevi as "holding the greater part of Germany," and says that they are even externally distinguished from all the other Germans by the treatment of their hair. Among the Suevi," says he, "the Semnones regard themselves as the most ancient and most noble;"-" fortune adds authority to them, since they live in a hundred pagi; and their great mass enables them to believe themselves the head of the Suevi." The Suevi proper were, in Tacitus's view, genuine Germans; and that their nearer confederates also were German in tongue may be reasonably inferred from his remark that the Marsigni and Burii (eastern races) have the same language as the Suevi. If the Semnones (who were less distant) had been un-German in tongue, he must have known it, and would have been sure to tell us: yet Dr. Latham would persuade us that the Semnones were Slavonic, in order that he may make out that Slavonism has no where, in later ages, encroached on Germany.

He certainly has gratuitously invented difficulties. When the Germans flocked into the Roman empire in numbers so vast as at length to reconstruct society from its very basis, and inundate Gaul and Italy with German words, surely they must have left behind them in their own land an immense vacuum. It is well known, that while the native institutions ascribed by Tacitus to the Germans are found in the common-law and municipalities of Anglo-Saxon England, they vanished out of Germany itself, who owes her local and municipal law to Rome. This is a strong testimony to the emptiness which the German invaders of the Roman empire left behind them. Suppose that the women did not always accompany them, and that it was not (in this

sense) a national migration; still, if the flower of the youth departed, the old country was left very defenceless: and at what time Slavonians entered Bohemia and other parts there was no historian to record. To argue from the silence of history against such a change of population, of which no Italian could easily be informed, and in an age when Italian literature itself was all but vanishing,-is not the smallest of Dr. Latham's weak

nesses.

Germany emptied itself southward, and thereby opened itself to Slavonian, to Hunnite, to Magyar invasions. That land of many centres has never yet been duly poised into one stable confederation. When this end is achieved, Europe may at length attain a permanent equilibrium.

ART. VI. THE LITERATURE OF SPIRIT-RAPPING.

The Spiritual Herald. London, 1856.

The Yorkshire Spiritual Telegraph. 1855-6.

Apparitions: a New Theory. By Newton Crosland. London, 1856. Epic of the Starry Heaven. By Thomas L. Harris. New York, 1856.

Lyric of the Golden Age. By Thomas L. Harris. New York, 1856.

WHATEVER We may think of what is called, however improperly, Spiritualism, we cannot deny that it possesses a literature. We may be unscientific, and inclined to think the whole subject a grotesque absurdity; or we may be scientific, and disposed to account for the phenomena by some theory of mental delusion or physical force: but whatever we think of it, the fact remains, that a considerable number of persons not only believe in tablerapping, table-tipping, spectral hands, flying musical instruments, conversations held with, and revelations given by, spirits; but they solemnly record their belief, collect and print remarkable instances of such manifestations, and have reduced "spiritualism" into a certain curious order and system. In England, this literature cannot be said to flourish; it exists, but in a very poor and precarious way, the number of believers being too small to defray the expense of elaborate or frequent publications. But in America the Spiritualists boast that they number nearly three millions. They have a voluminous current literature of Spiritualism. They there, too, possess what we should call a minor

poet, but what they call a "medium giving the utterances of medieval poets." At any rate, they have a person who, either naturally or supernaturally, produces every year a poem about the size of Paradise Lost. Let us reject the three millions as a palpable exaggeration; but even if we divide the number by ten, there is something worth our passing attention in the mere fact, that three hundred thousand persons of English speech and blood should reject the obvious explanation that this writer is a weak, fluent versifier, with second-rate powers of imitation; and should accept as a truer account, that his verses contain the thoughts, and are shaped in the language, of great deceased poets, who do not so much inspire him as use him as their mouthpiece.

We do not wish to attempt any solution of the problem which "spiritualism" offers. We have no theory, suggestions, or interpretations to propose. It is only in their literary aspect that we regard the publications of which a list is given at the head of our article; and which, though only a very small fraction of the whole literature, are yet, we think, sufficient to represent it. When first any belief, superstition, or general movement of the human mind is described in writing, the documents are of too vague, fragmentary, and partial a character to afford material for an estimate of that which they seek to represent. But a time comes when we find that the facts, however often repeated, are substantially the same; and the theory, or belief, which binds these facts together assumes a rounded and definite form. Spiritualism has arrived at this point: we can gather what the facts are said to be; we can make out what Spiritualists think is the true inference those facts suggest. So far the literature of Spiritualism will carry us. When we have attained this result, we may make what use of it we please. We may ascribe it to collusion or delusion, to electricity, or to what is termed the "od force;" we may laugh over it or weep over it. But the first thing is to obtain the result; and to accomplish this, although necessarily in a brief and imperfect manner, will be our endeavour in the following pages.

"Spiritualism" purports to be the communication of living men with spirits, and, almost invariably, with the spirits of deceased men. We have, therefore, first to ask what are the modes of communication; and secondly, what kind of things are communicated. The modes of communication ascend in importance through a regular series—the lowest being table-tipping, and the highest the trance of a medium; and the inferiority on any particular occasion being attributed sometimes to a want of practice in the man, sometimes to a certain impotency in the spirit. So, too, there are very marked differences in the nature