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it is an approach to such conditions that has caused some Conclaves to be dragged out to such inconvenient lengths. But their Eminences are not perfectly obstinate, and still less are they all and each of them perfectly true to their party engagements, not to mention that there may be some who have never assumed any party engagements. Then it is of course exceedingly easy to understand that a variety of other secondary considerations must exist to modify the individual wishes of each member of a party. His Eminence A, we will say, desires that some one of, say, the Imperial party should be made Pope. But seeing that that cannot be accomplished, he makes up his mind to vote for a member of the opposite faction, but not for any member of it. He can be induced to vote for B because he is the nephew of the Pope who created himself a cardinal, or for C because there is a connection between their families, &c., &c. But nothing will induce him to vote for D. When, therefore, a party, not quite strong enough to elect their own man, are determining who shall be the candidate to be put forward by the party, it behoves them to consider with the most minute and detailed care all the causes that may exist for rendering this or that man among the opponents likely to yield so far as to give his vote for such a candidate, whereas he would by no means desert his party for another. Sometimes also it will occur that, although a man may wish that some member of his faction should be elected, he will prefer that a member of the opposite party should be made Pope rather than some one particular member of his own party. And all such motives have to be carefully considered by the party leaders who would avoid desertions among their followers at the critical moment.

Now, in the present instance, Cardinal Carpi was known to be especially objectionable to the Cardinal D'Este, the head of the French faction. And this was quite sufficient to prevent the leaders of the Imperial faction from selecting him as the candidate of the party. In the language of the Conclave, he had an esclusiva from the Cardinal di Ferrara, and it was therefore useless to attempt to elect him.

There was a difficulty, too, about Morone. There had been whispers as to the soundness of his orthodoxy. The awful word heresy had been heard in connection with his name, and these were times when such an accusation could not be disregarded—when, indeed, any mere suspicion of a tendency to laxness on any of the points that were then making the dividing line between orthodoxy and the tenets of the sectarians would have been quite sufficient to prevent the greater number of the assembled cardinals from giving a vote to one labouring under such an accusation. Curious enough to mark how far both the accusation and the importance of it shows the Church to have floated down the stream of time during the last hundred years. Fancy anybody accusing Leo X. or Julius II. of heterodox opinions, or of his finding anybody to listen to him if he had done so !

Under these circumstances the leaders of the Imperialist party cast their eyes on Cardinal Pozzi, a moderate man, who was esteemed by all parties, and who, being a man of low birth, would not give any cause of jealousy on that ground to his princely fellow-cardinals. It seemed as if the election was as good as made ; and so it probably would have been, had not Cardinal Farnese, who, as the conclavist remarks, had been accustomed in so many Conclaves to dictate the law instead of being dictated to, suddenly taken offence at a decision having been come to, as he fancied, without due reference to his views on the matter. He immediately went into the Paoline Chapel, where the French party were assembled, very much out of heart and despairing of preventing the election of Pozzi by their adversaries, and offered to lend them his aid to elect Cardinal Fano. There were reasons, however, why the French leaders could not accept that proposition. Whereupon Farnese at once proposed to them the Cardinal of Chieti (Caraffa), who was accepted by them, and was, by a coalition of the Paolines, or creatures of Paul III., under Farnese and the cardinals in the French interest, elected Pope.

The Cardinal of Chieti (Caraffa), who became Pope under the name of Paul IV., is on the list of those who are recorded to have been elected by adoration or acclamation. And, in truth, it would seem as if their Eminences had been “inspired,” or hurried into doing what they would hardly have done in a calmer manner and after more reflection. For the conclavist concludes his narrative by the remark, that it is beyond belief what a melancholy fell, not only on all Rome, but on those who had themselves done the deed, as soon as ever it had become irrevocable!” Their “melancholy" was not perhaps wholly unreasonable, or, at least, was not unin

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telligible. For this Giampietro Caraffa, who was now Paul IV., came to his high office with at least a sufficiently high conception of its importance, and a stern determination to do his duty, as he understood it, in the state of life to which God had called him! And he had, perhaps, more excuse for believing that he had been so called in a special and extraordinary manner, for he had gone into Conclave banned by the especial voto of the Emperor Charles V. Of all the cardinals composing the Sacred College, this was the one man whom the Emperor would be least willing to see Pope! The veto had not yet come to be exercised with the regular forms and in the matter-of-course manner which prevailed a few years later. It was abusively growing into an admitted custom. And the failure of the Emperor's especially urged veto on this memorable occasion is a notable proof that the growth of the thing was abusive. Very highly characteristic of the man Caraffa, too, was his reply, when it was signified to him, before the commencement of the Conclave, by the Emperor's ambassador, Mendoza, that his master could not consent to his elevation to the Papacy. “If God wills that I should be the Pope,” said Caraffa, “the Emperor cannot prevent me from becoming such. And should I become such, I shall be the better pleased to have done so despite the imperial veto, because it will be the more clear that my elevation will have been the work of God alone !

It can hardly be doubted, looking at the matter from any standpoint of merely human policy and wisdom, that the sagacious old Emperor was right in his estimate

of the character of the man, and of the results that would be likely to follow from his elevation to the Papacy. If it is not unreasonable to conjecture that a prolongation of the reign of Marcellus II. might not impossibly have healed the great schism which divided the Church, it is at the least equally permissible to hold the conviction that Caraffa’s mode of wielding the power of the keys and governing the Church finally destroyed any hope of such a consummation. Ranke* says of him: “If there was a party which proposed to itself the restoration of Catholicism in all its severity, he who now mounted the Papal throne was, not a member of, but the founder of that party. Paul IV. was already seventy-nine years old; but his deep-set eyes still burned in their sockets with the fire of youth. He observed no rule in his daily life, often sleeping by day and studying all night. And woe to the servant who entered his room when he had not called him! He was very tall, very thin, and his carriage and movements were full of vivacity. He seemed to be all nerves! In everything he obeyed the impulse of the moment. But these impulses were dominated and produced by sentiments which had been developed in his mind during a long life, and which had become a part of his nature. He seemed to know no other duty, no other occupation, than the re-establishment of the ancient faith with all the absolute supremacy which it had ever enjoyed.And the means which appeared to him most fitted for the attainment of this end were always of the most violent kind, and

• Ranke's description is taken mainly from the relation of the Venetian ambassador, Bernardo Navagero.

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