conservative, and is generally opposed to anything which offends against his notions of orthodox Nile travel. For instance, unless the hirer takes up an independent attitude from the first, the dragoman may raise objections to stopping for the purpose of sight-seeing when there is a fair wind, and may try to put off visits to the monuments till the return voyage. He is also averse to halting for any ruins which are not in the regulation itinerary.

As to the time occupied in the voyage from Cairo to Assouan and back, with favourable winds it can be managed in seven or eight weeks. But this might only allow very few days for Luxor and Assouan. Besides, anything like hurry is utterly foreign to the traditions of Nile voyaging, and three months would not be found too long for this trip; or longer, if it be continued to the Second Cataract. It must be remembered, too, that if the contract is for three months, the cost would be considerably less relatively than for two months. It would be better to allow three months and, wind and water permitting, make-unless late in the season-Wady Halfa the goal, for late in the spring the Cataract is closed to dahabeahs drawing much water.1

For those who are wintering in Egypt for their

1 Of course the Assouan Dam locks enable dahabeahs to pass the Cataract at all seasons of the year.

health there can be no question of the superiority of the dahabeah over all other modes of Nile travel. To many, however, the great expense is an insuperable drawback, and for these a series of voyages in the well-found and well-equipped tourist steamers of Messrs. Cook or the Anglo-American Nile Steamer Company, will be found a tolerable substitute.

As for the mail-steamers, which afford comfortable and economical accommodation for the ordinary traveller, they are, of course, utterly unsuited for delicate persons.

PART IV

POLITICAL AND ANTIQUARIAN

I. THE REGENERATION OF EGYPT

EGYPT, in view of its wealth of antiquities and artistic relics, is no doubt of the highest importance to the antiquarian traveller. Regarded, however, as a community or modern state, Egypt of to-day holds a low rank among semi-civilised countries. There is some reason for the complaint of some modern historians, that western minds seem to lose all sense of proportion and historic perspective when describing this Land of Paradox. Yet it is after all but a fifth-rate territory, with an acreage about the same as that of Holland. Its population (10 millions) has, however, increased considerably of late years.

At the same time one cannot deny the great importance of Egypt. This, no doubt, is fictitious, due partly to its peculiar geographical position, which makes it the great highway between the Eastern and Western hemispheres, and partly to its climate, which has converted it into the great winter residence and playground of civilised nations.

The attitude of England, in its policy of Egyptian intervention since the Arabi revolt, seemed at first simple enough. It was natural that the British Government supposed that their task, when France in 1882 threw all responsibility for Egypt on their hands, was merely to crush a military rising. Only actual experience taught England that the rebellion was a very small matter, and that the real difficulty lay in the utter rottenness of the whole fabric of government. Naturally then the pledges England made, being based on a total misapprehension, were impossible of fulfilment. But to the spirit of these pledges England has been faithful. Besides, it is indisputable that England has derived no pecuniary benefit from her occupation of Egypt. As a matter of fact, among the foreign employés in the Egyptian Civil Service there are nearly twice as many of French or Italian nationality as English.

In order to appreciate the significance reforms carried out by Great Britain, difficulties, both internal and exter to contend against, when she unwill upon the rôle of reformer, must not b Her attitude towards Europe is ind famous despatch of Lord Granville a Powers in January 1883.

"Although for the present," says t

a British force remains in Egypt for the preservation of public tranquillity, Her Majesty's Government are desirous of withdrawing it as soon as the state of the country and the organisation of proper means for the maintenance of the Khedive's authority will admit of it. In the meantime, the position in which Her Majesty's Government are placed towards His Highness imposes upon them the duty of giving advice with the object of securing that the order of things to be established shall be of a satisfactory character, and possess the elements of stability and progress."

This constitutes one of the famous "pledges of withdrawal" with which England is twitted, in season and out of season, by the French press. In fact, in a leading French journal published at Alexandria, these pledges are daily printed in a prominent position on the front page!

Three courses were open to England in 1883annexation, an absolute protectorate, or temporary occupation. This latter course, which was virtually a veiled or disguised protectorate, was finally adopted, as is indicated by Lord Granville's despatch quoted above. This policy was, of course, a compromise, and like most compromises is open to criticism.

"It is certain that, if we had grasped the Egyptian nettle boldly, if we had proclaimed from the first our