of the French; that how fatal this must prove to the inhabi tants of Pennsylvania and all the English colonies, they could not be ignorant; that he was ready and desirous to do any thing consistent with his duty to the crown for the protection and assistance, as well of those their allies, as of the said inhabitants; and that upon this important affair, and at the pressing instance of these Indians, he had put off his journey to the back settlements, although he conceived his presence among them at that time to be extremely necessary."

Thus the defeat of one expedient made way for the trial of another; and what the governor's set-off could not effect, was to be re-attempted by this put-off.

The assembly, however, were equally proof against both; and having adjusted a separate answer to each, sent them up the next day, November 11, by the same messengers.

In the first they signified, "that they had come together with the sincerest disposition to avoid, if possible, all disputes whatsoever with the governor; that they were deeply affected with the distresses of the frontier country, and determined to do every thing that could be expected of them for the public safety; that they had immediately voted a large sum for the king's service, and provided a fund for sinking the whole within five years as recommended by the governor; that, as the colony had been founded on maxims of peace, as they had so long maintained an uninterrupted friendship with the natives, and as the French had already gained the Delawares and 12 Shawanese to their interest, they thought it was but natural for them to enquire what cause of complaint had been administered to them, and to express their readiness to do them justice, before hostilities were returned and the breach grown wider; that for their better information, and without intending the least offence to the go

12 A pamphlet was written in Pennsylvania, and published in London, intitled, An enquiry into the causes of the alienation of the Delaware and Shawanese Indians from the British interest,' &c. wherein will be found what reason the assembly had to suspect those Indians might have been injúriously treated by the proprietaries and their agents.

vernor, they had applied for the last treaty; that their message to this effect was sent upon the second day after their entering upon business; and that the governor had not till then vouchsafed them an answer." Coming then to the bill, "They suggested an apprehension, that the governor's immediate refusal of it, because it was of the same kind with one he had before refused, arose from his not having allowed himself time to consider of it;" adding, "that indeed all bills for raising money were so far of the same kind; but this differed greatly from every former bill which had been offered him; that all the amendments (of any consequence) which he had proposed to the last bill he had refused, save that for totally exempting the proprietary estate, had been admitted in this; that being as desirous as the governor to avoid any dispute on that head, they had even so framed the bill, as to submit it entirely to his majesty's royal determination, whether that estate had or had not a right to such exemption; that so much time was allowed by the bill, that the king's pleasure might possibly be known even before the first assessment; that it was farther provided, that if at any time during the continuance of the act, the crown should declare the said estate exempt as aforesaid, in such case the tax, though assessed, should not be levied, or if levied should be refunded, and replaced by an additional tax on the province; that they could not conceive any thing more fair and reasonable than this, or that the governor would or could start any objection to it: since the 13words in his commission, which he was pleased to suppose contained an express prohibition of his passing such a bill, did not appear to them to have any such meaning; that if it was one of the just

13 Provided always, that nothing herein contained, shall extend, or be construed to extend, to give you any power or authority to do, perform, act, suffer, acquiesce in, or consent or agree unto, any act, matter or thing whatsoever, by means or reason whereof, we, or either of us, or the heirs of us, or either of us, may be hurt, prejudiced, impeached, or incumbered, in our or their, or either of our or their royalties, jurisdictions, properties, estate, right, title or interest, of, in or to, the said province or counties, or any part of them.'*

rights of government, that the proprietary estate should not be taxed for the common defence of all estates in the province, those just rights were well understood in England, the proprietaries were on the spot to plead their own cause, or, if as remote as they (the assembly) were, might safely confide in his majesty's known wisdom and justice; that the equity of their being taxed, had appeared so plain even to their best friends there, that they had entered into a voluntary subscription to pay their supposed quota for them, in full assurance, that if they had been present, they would have done the same themselves, and would repay what should be so advanced for them; that if the proprietaries had any of this zeal for the service about them, this bill if passed, would give them a happy opportunity of manifesting it, by becoming solicitors to the king for his approbation, and refusing to petition for an exemption; and that since the right of exemption contended for on their behalf, could never be settled between the governor and assembly, the bill transferred the cause thither where only it could be decided."

The residue of this piece contains so full, so noble, and so affecting a recapitulation of the whole dispute, and sets the selfish conduct of the proprietaries and their deputy in so clear a light, that leave must be taken to insert it verbatim.

'Our assemblies have of late had so many supply bills, and of such different kinds, rejected on various pretences: some for not complying with obsolete occasional instructions (though other acts exactly of the same tenor had been past since those instructions, and received the royal assent;) some for being inconsistent with the supposed spirit of an act of parliament, when the act itself did not any way affect us, being made expressly for other colonies; some for being as the governor was pleased to say, "of an extraordinary nature," without informing us, wherein that extraordinary nature consisted; and others for disagreeing with new discovered meanings, and forced constructions of a clause in the proprietary commission; that we are now really at a loss to divine what bill can possibly pass. The proprietary in

structions are secrets to us; and we may spend much time, and much of the public money, in preparing and framing bills for supply, which, after all, must, from those instructions, prove abortive. If we are thus to be driven from bill to bill, without one solid reason afforded us; and can raise no money for the king's service, and relief or security of our country, till we fortunately hit on the only bill the governor is allowed to pass, or till we consent to make such as the governor or proprietaries direct us to make, we see little use of assemblies in this particular, and think we might as well leave it to the governor or proprietaries to make for us what supply laws they please, and save ourselves and the country the expence and trouble. All debates and all reasonings are vain, where proprietary instructions, just or unjust, right or wrong, must inviolably be observed. We have only to find out, if we can, what they are, and then submit and obey.But surely the proprietaries conduct, whether, as fathers of their country, or subjects to their king, must appear extraordinary, when it is considered that they have not only formally refused to bear any part of our yearly heavy expences in cultivating and maintaining friendship with the Indians, though they reap such immense advantages by that friendship; but that they now, by their lieutenant, refuse to contribute any part towards resisting an invasion of the king's colony, committed to their care; or to submit their claim of exemption to the decision of their sovereign.

'In fine, we have the most sensible concern for the poor distressed inhabitants of the frontiers. We have taken every step in our power, consistent with the just rights of the freemen of Pennsylvania, for their relief, and we have reason to believe, that in the midst of their distresses they themselves do not wish us to go farther. Those who would give up essential liberty, to purchase a little temporary safety, deserve neither liberty nor safety. Such as were inclined to defend themselves, but unable to purchase arms and ammunition, have, as we are informed, been supplied with both, as far as arms could be procured, out of monies given by the last assembly for the king's use; and the large supply of mo,

ney offered by this bill, might enable the governor to do every thing else that should be judged necessary for their further security, if he shall think fit to accept it. Whether he could, as he supposes, "if his hands had been properly strengthened, have put the province into such a posture of defence, as might have prevented the present mischiefs," seems to us uncertain; since late experience in our neighbouring colony of Virginia (which had every advantage for that purpose that could be desired) shows clearly, that it is next to impossible to guard effectually an extended frontier, settled by scattered single families at two or three miles distance, so as to secure them from the insiduous attacks of small parties of skulking murderers; but thus much is certain, that by refusing our bills from time to time, by which great sums were seasonably offered, he has rejected all the strength that money could afford him; and if his hands are still weak or unable, he ought only to blame himself, or those who have tied them.

'If the governor proceeds on his journey, and takes a quo, rum of his council with him, we hope, since he retains our bill, that it will be seriously and duly considered by them; and that the same regard for the public welfare which induced them unanimously to advise his intended journey, will induce them as unanimously to advise his assent, We agree therefore to his keeping the bill, earnesly requesting he would reconsider it attentively; and shall be ready at any time to meet him for the purpose of enacting it into a law."

There is not in any volume, the sacred writings excepted, a passage to be found better worth the veneration of freemen, than this, those who would give up essential liberty, to purchase a little temporary safety, deserve neither liberty nor safety;' nor could a lesson of more utility have been laid at that crisis before the Pennsylvanians.

And as to the other message of the assembly which was sent up together with this, it was so solid and concise that it will not bear an abridgment.

"May it please the Governor,

"We have considered the governor's message of yesterday, relating to the application and pressing instances of the