as he was, in a great measure, a stranger to their constitution, the proprietaries' instructions were quite necessary to him; that those he had received from them, were so perfectly calculated to promote and secure the happiness of the province, and so reasonable in themselves, that they required nothing of him, but what he should have thought it his duty to do without them; that though he did not think it quite decent, and he believed unprecedented, for a governor to be called upon for a sight of his instructions, he would nevertheless communicate them to the house whenever the public service should require it; that, accordingly, he took that opportunity to acquaint them, that he had it in charge from the proprietaries, to recommend to them in the most pressing manner, to provide with all imaginable dispatch for the defence and safety of the province, not only by affording such aids as his majesty from time to time should require, but by establishing a regular militia, providing arms and stores of war, and building proper magazines; all to be done in such a manner as to be least burdensome to the inhabitants, and particularly so, as not to oblige any to bear arms who were or might be conscientiously scrupulous against it; that he required this, in pursuance of the proprietaries' instructions; and that he was the more urgent in it, because the province never had been in more imminent danger than it was at that time: that being to give true and exact accounts of the state of the province to his majesty and his ministers, as well as to the proprietaries, he desired a clear and determinate answer to this point, that he might be able to lay the same before his majesty in such a manner as might make the interposition of parliament unnecessary; that he was really concerned to find, that instead of providing for the articles recommended to them by his majesty, in a manner agreeable to his royal directions [it has been already observed, that no manner had been, or could be, with propriety, directed by the king] they insisted on his passing the bill, in the shape they had sent it up, though before informed he could not do it; that he then again assured them, he would not assent to that or any other bill for emitting paper-money, but upon the terms above-mentioned; he

also took occasion to add, among other things, that this dispute so long depending, might certainly have received his majesty's determination long ago, had they applied for it. [which, by the way, might have been retorted with equal truth on the proprietaries]-That, were there no other method of raising money for the present service, but that by them proposed and insisted upon, their conduct might have appeared in a more favourable light; but that as they had, or ought to have had in bank, by the laws in being, fourteen or fifteen thousand pounds, together with a revenue of seven thousand pounds a year; as the city and province were in rich and flourishing circumstances, the people numerous, and burdened with none or very trifling taxes, he could not con-sent to pass the bill proposed; it being (said he) a direct breach of a royal instruction intended to enforce an act of parliament of the sixth of Queen Anne, which [whether act or instructions is doubtful] they knew had been shamefully slighted and disregarded in this and the neighbouring provinces. Upon the whole, continued he, you will consider, gentlemen, in what light you will appear to his majesty and a British parliament, who are expending great sums of money for the defence of these colonies, while you, the very province most concerned as being invaded, instead of contributing towards your own defence, are entering into an illtimed controversy concerning the validity of royal instructions, which might have been determined long ago, and may be delayed to a more convenient time, without any the least injury to the rights of the people. Let me therefore, gentlemen, once more recommend the present unhappy circumstances of this country to your most serious consideration; and entreat you to lay aside (for the present at least) every thing that may admit of any dispute, and enter heartily into such measures as may best answer the public expectations, and assist his majesty in the measures he has concerted, and is carrying into execution, for the preservation of this country.'

The assembly again, as if to give the governor time for second thoughts, sent him up the reply that follows.

'Before we enter upon the consideration of the other parts of the governor's message of the 24th instant, we must acknowledge ourselves engaged to return him our hearty thanks for informing us, that, "as he was in a great measure a stranger to our constitution, and, to be so highly entrusted by the proprietaries, it seemed quite necessary he should receive instructions from them. And notwithstanding he may think it not quite decent, or may believe it unprecedented, for a governor to be called upon for a sight of his instructions, yet he will communicate them to the house whenever the public service shall require it."In return to this candid declaration, and the assurance he is pleased to give us, as well as the ready furnishing us with other parts of those in-structions, we beg leave to inform the governor, that we not only apprehend it the undoubted right of a British parliament to address the crown for such information as they judge absolutely necessary to their deliberations; but also, that the proprietary instructions to our former governors, have been repeatedly laid before the assemblies of this province.'

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Here certain instances were recited; and the sequel was in these words: We, therefore, under these considerations, and for that we are of opinion those proprietary instructions, which the governor is pleased to inform us our proprietaries gave him on their appointing and entrusting him with this government, are the principal, if not the sole, obstructions to the passing our bill for granting twenty thousand pounds for the king's use; and also, for that whatever bills we might prepare for this, or any other purpose, after all the expence to the country, and after all our pains in framing them, would be liable to the same difficulties, unless we could know what those proprietary instructions are. We say, under these considerations, and from the regard our governor is pleased to express for our charter, and our liberties, we earnestly request he would now candidly communicate those instructions to us, as the time when "the public service requires it," in the most particular manner; for, as we are now under an absolute necessity of addressing the

crown, in support of our civil and religious liberties, in which we have the pleasure of the governor's concurrence, and indeed his desire that we should apply to his majesty on this occasion, we must, in justice to ourselves, and in discharge of the duty we owe to those we represent, make those proprietary instructions, and the force and validity of them, the great end of our humble petition to the crown at this time, unless the governor shall be pleased to convince us to the contrary.'

It was not till the fourth day after this message was presented, that the governor rejoined; during which interval the business of the session seems to have been wholly at a stand; and the language he then used was to the following effect: "That though the house of commons had a right to address the crown for information, and former governors had occasionally laid particular instructions before the assemblies, he did not think assemblies had a right to have them all laid before them upon demand; and was still of opinion, that their application for that purpose was irregular and unprecedented; that it was true he had proprietary instructions as all other governors had had; but that he [who it seems was to be the only judge] could not think it then for his majesty's service, or the interest of the province, to communicate them farther than he had already done; especially as they claimed it as a right, and seemed industriously to seek fresh matter of dispute about them, when the public service required they should be otherwise employed, when they expressed so great a dislike to them, and when they had avowed a purpose of making the force and validity of them, the great end of their petition to the crown, and all this without so much as knowing, except in what related to a militia, &c. what those instructions were; that, having assigned the royal instruction, and the attorney general's opinion upon it, as his reasons for not agreeing to their bill for striking forty thousand pounds, he should be glad to know upon what information they had given it as their opinion, that proprietary instructions had been the principal if not the sole directors of his conduct, or had become so intimately acquainted with

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his private sentiments, as to know, that when he said one thing he meant another; that he had been, and still was, desirous, they should apply to the crown for a determination of the dispute between them; but that as he did not know the civil or religious liberties of the people were invaded by the instruction which gave rise to it, he could have no intention to consent to an application in support of them; that an invasion of the civil and religious liberty of a people, was to be reckoned among the worst of crimes, and was then most aggravated when committed by those who were bound both by their oaths and their duty, to preserve those blessings, and protect the people in the enjoyment of them; that his sacred majesty, who had so long and so happily governed his people upon constitutional principles only, disdained a thought of doing or approving any thing that was otherwise; that a British parliament would never esteem a royal instruction, issued at their own request, and intended to enforce a good and wholesome law, in the least destructive of the civil and religious liberties of any part of his majesty's subjects, whatever they, the representatives of Pennsylvania, might do; that it gave him particular concern, that they should purposely enter into a dispute about that instruction, and choose to publish such sentiments of his majesty's government, at a time like that, when a French army were fortifying themselves in their country; that he earnestly recommended to them to consider, whether such expressions might not have a tendency to alienate the affections of the people from his majesty's person and government, and thereby greatly obstruct the measures he was taking at a vast expence, for the preservation and protection of his subjects on that continent; that he had lately received intelligence that six thousand of the best troops of France were actually arrived at the lower fort on the Ohio, and were there employed in fortifying the country; that this ought to convince them, France had formed some grand design on that continent, and that as they had made their first attack upon Pennsylvania, as the most plentiful and most defenceless part of his majesty's dominions, so in a particular manner, it behoved