as quickly to introduce better men and wiser CHAP. III.

measures."

It was also resolved unanimously "that contributions from all the colonies, for supplying the necessities, and alleviating the distresses of our brethren at Boston, ought to be continued, in such manner, and so long, as their occasions may require."

1774.

The merchants of the several colonies were September 24. requested not to send to Great Britain any orders for goods, and to direct the execution of all orders already sent, to be suspended until the. sense of congress, on the means to be taken for the preservation of the liberties of America, be made public. In a few days, resolutions were entered into, suspending the importation of goods from Great Britain or Ireland, or any of their dependencies, and of their manufactures from any place whatever, after the first day of the succeeding December; and against the purchase, or use of such goods. It was also determined that all exports to Great Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies, should cease on the 10th of September 1775, unless American grievances should be redressed before that time. An association corresponding with these resolutions was then framed, and signed by every member present. Never were laws more faithfully observed than the resolves of congress at this period, and their association was of consequence universally adopted.

CHAP. III.

Very early in the session, a declaration* of 1774. rights in the shape of resolves was agreed to,

which merits peculiar attention, because it states precisely the ground now taken by America, and evidences the terms on which a satisfactory reconciliation was practicable. It is observable that rights were, at this period, asserted, which, in the commencement of the contest, were not generally maintained; and that, even now, the exclusive right of legislation in the colonial legislatures, with the exception of acts of the British parliament, bona fide made to regulate and restrain external commerce, which from necessity were consented to, was not unanimously averred.

The addresses prepared, the various papers drawn up, and the measures recommended by this congress, form their best eulogium, and attest how judiciously a selection of character had been made by the people, for the allinteresting concerns intrusted to their care. Affection to the mother country, an exalted admiration of her national character, unwillingness to separate from her, a knowledge of the hazards and difficulties of the struggle to be engaged in, mingled with an enthusiastic love of liberty, and of country; with a conviction that all which can make life valuable was at stake; characterize their proceedings.

* See Note, "No. XIII. at the end of the volume.

1774.

"When," say they in their address to the CHAP. III. people of Great Britain, "a nation led to greatness by the hand of liberty, and possessed of all the glory, that heroism, munificence, and humanity can bestow, descends to the ungrateful task of forging chains for her friends and children, and, instead of giving support to freedom turns advocate for slavery and oppression, there is reason to suspect she has either ceased to be virtuous, or been extremely negligent in the appointment of her rulers.

"In almost every age, in repeated conflicts; in long and bloody wars, as well civil as foreign, against many and powerful nations, against the open assaults of enemies, and the more dangerous treachery of friends, have the inhabitants of your island, your great and glorious ancestors, maintained their independence, and transmitted the rights of men and the blessings of liberty to you their posterity.

"Be not surprised therefore that we, who are descended from the same common ancestors, that we, whose forefathers participated in all the rights, the liberties, and the constitution you so justly boast of, and who have carefully conveyed the same fair inheritance to us, guaranteed by the plighted faith of government, and the most solemn compacts with British sovereigns, should refuse to surrender them to men, who found their claims on no principles of reason, and who prosecute them with a design, that by having our lives and property in their

CHAP. III. power, they may with the greater facility en1774. slave you."

After stating the serious condition of American affairs, and that not only the oppressions, but the misrepresentations of their country, had induced this address; after stating that they claim to be as free as their fellow subjects in Britain, they say are not the proprietors of the soil of Great Britain, lords of their own property? can it be taken from them without their consent? will they yield it to the arbitrary disposal of any men or number of men whatever? you know they will not.

Why then are the proprietors of the soil of America less lords of their property than you are of yours, or why should they submit it to the disposal of your parliament, or any other parliament or council in the world, not of their election? can the intervention of the sea that divides us cause disparity in rights, or can any reason be given why English subjects, who live three thousand miles from the royal palace should enjoy less liberty than those who are three hundred miles distant from it?

"Reason looks with indignation on such distinctions, and freemen can never perceive their propriety.

"At the conclusion of the late war....a war rendered glorious by the abilities and integrity of a minister, to whose efforts the British empire owes its safety and its fame; at the conclusion of this war, which was succeeded by

an inglorious peace, formed under the auspices CHAP. III. of a minister, of principles, and of a family, 1774. unfriendly to the protestant cause, and inimical to liberty; we say at this period, and under the influence of that man, a plan for enslaving your fellow subjects in America was concerted, and has ever since been pertinaciously carrying into execution."

The former relative situation of the two countries is then stated, and they are reminded of the loyalty and attachment of the colonies to the common interests of the empire. The transactions since the conclusion of the war are passed in solemn review, and they add, "This being a true state of facts, let us beseech you to consider to what end they lead.

"Admit that the ministry, by the powers of Britain, and the aid of our roman catholic neighbours, should be able to carry the point of taxation, and reduce us to a state of perfect humiliation and slavery; such an enterprise would doubtless make some addition to your national debt, which already presses down your liberties, and fills you with pensioners and placemen. We presume also that your commerce will somewhat be diminished. However, suppose you should prove victorious.... in what condition will you then be? what advantages or what laurels will you reap from such a conquest? may not a ministry with the same armies enslave you?"