emulated each other in expressing abhorrence at the execution of the late king, and in reflecting on the memory of Cromwell. This was a prelude to the Restoration, though nothing was said about it; and there is reason to believe that there was a strong party who were inclined to restore monarchy on rigorous terms only; but Moncke, who was determined to make his own fortune, without regard to any party, and who well knew that conditions for himself would expose him to jealousy from the king and his immediate advisers, while leaving all to the gratitude of the prince would bind him to his interest, had already concluded matters with Charles, without specifying conditions either for his country or himself. He therefore intimated to the house of commons that Sir John Grenville was at the door, desirous to deliver a letter from the king, when orders were given for his immediate admission. Grenville delivered, along with the letter, a declaration from Letter and Charles, in which he professed great regard for by Charles the privileges of parliament and the rights of the declaration JI. people; professed a general amnesty to all persons but such as should be excepted by parliament itself; promised liberty of conscience, and his consent to any act that parliament might deem necessary to secure it; and assured them that he would leave it to parliament to determine about the sale and the alienation of the church lands s; while he promised to the soldiers not only all their arrears, but a continuance of their pay. To quicken their motions, he also intimated what was unfound ed, that he had assurances of aid from foreign princes; but that he was disposed to decline it in confidence of their affections. This assembly, however, was not so carried away by the occasion as not to think of conditions; and the great Sir Matthew Hale himself moved the commons to take them into consideration: But Moncke interposed, telling them the troops could not be depended on during the delay of a treaty; and as they dreaded the second ascendency of the republicans on the one hand, and perceived, on the other, that Moncke would, in all probability, succeed in restoring the king without them, while they were also apprised that he was intimating to the king what fell from individual members, and each apprehended not only the loss of favour, but possibly the royal vengeance-they dropped the opposition. Charles was therefore proclaimed, and arrangements were instantly made for his unconditional restoration *. storation. 8th. Montague was despatched to bring him over, Charles' reand returned to England amid a general de- Proclaimed monstration of joy: but the presbyterians were king, May ere long taught, by oppression, not to rejoice over the humiliation of the republicans. No idea was ever more erroneous than that Charles and his friends acted mercifully towards their adversaries, as they proceeded as far as they durst, Parl. Hist. vol. xxii. p. 210, et seq. Clar. State Papers, vol. iii. Hist. vol. vi. p. 732, et seq. Ludlow, vol. ii. p. 875. Price. Gumble. Skinner. Carte's Let. vol. ii. Burnet's Hist. of his Own Times. and even pursued by assassins some of those who had sought refuge in foreign climes *. His own open encouragement of every species of profligacy reflects disgrace on the age that could tolerate it. His violation of the law, and designs against religion, evince that he had not profited by experience. * Ludlow, vol. iii. See in Price a proof of hypocritical cant by Moncke after the restoration, p. 161. "When I came to him," says Price, "I kneeled to him, and kissed his hands. (Had he been a man of such plain manners” as Hume represents him, would his chaplain have used this ceremony?) "He took me up, and was pleased to speak some kind words to me; but, in speaking, broke into tears, saying these words: No, Mr. Price, it was not I that did this; you know the jealousies that were had of me,' (how could it be otherwise, considering his false protestations?) and the oppositions against me. It was God alone who did it; to him be the glory, whose is the kingdom and the power, over this and all governments."" Compare this with his blasphemous addresses to the Long Parliament, INDEX. A ABERDEEN, cruel treatment of the town of, by Montrose, iii. 534. Act, triennial, iii. 427. Adultery Act, iv. 323. Airly, Earl of, and his sons, join Montrose, iii. 533. Allan, Alderman, iv. 347. Alison and Robins, case of, ii. 333. Alva, Duke of, i. 211. Anhalt, Prince of, ii. 9. Annus Mirabilis, i. 221. Antrim, Marquis of, receives a commission to raise an army of native Irish, Apprentices threaten to attack the Tower to drive out Lunsford, iii. 247- Army, English, ruin of the, ii. 39. 531-routed, ib. 535-plot, account of, iii, Army, Scottish, passes the Tweed, ii. 534-continues in England, iii. 40 Army, Irish, Popish, primarily raised for the subjugation of Scotland, iii. Armies, royal and parliamentary, different composition of, iii. 362. Arundel, Earl of, case of, ii. 128-Lord High Steward of England at the Arundel, Mr. John, iii. 410. Articles, Lords of the, i. 429.; ii. 416-institution of the, abolished, iii. 220. Ashburnham, deeply engaged in the army plot, iii. 137; iv. 65. 90. 97. 101. Ashley, Sir Jacob, concerned in the army plot, iii. 108-examination of, ib. Assembly of the Kirk of Scotland, enactment of, i. 393—at Glasgow, ii. 492 Athens, senators of, how chosen, iii. 555. Attainder, bill of. See Wentworth. Axtle, iv. 483. Aylmer, account of the English constitution by, i. 313-contrast of the state Baillie, Lieut.-General, iv. 29, 30. 33. Baillie (Scottish divine) accomplishments of, ii. 506.; iii. 41-letter of, ib. Balfour, Sir William, refuses to connive at the escape of Strafforde, iii. 122— Ballard, Lieut.-Colonel, examination of, iii. 592. Balle, John, i. 52. Balmerino, case of, ii. 420-trial and sentence of, ib. 426, 427. |