legislative councils of the nation, he had subjected himself to the laws of the Republic, and renounced the protection, which the law of nations and the treaties with the United States might otherwise have secured to him. The Minister's letter Mr Morris enclosed in another to Paine, who wrote in reply;

I received your letter enclosing a copy of a letter from the Minister of Foreign Affairs. You must not leave me in the situation in which this letter places me. You know I do not deserve it, and you see the unpleasant situation into which I am thrown. I have made an essay of a letter, in answer to the Minister's letter, which I wish you to make the ground of a reply to him. They have nothing against me, except they do not choose I should be in a state of freedom to write my mind freely upon the things I have seen. Though you and I are not on terms of the best harmony, I apply to you as the Minister of America; and you may add to that service whatever you think my integrity deserves. At any rate, I request you to make Congress acquainted with my situation, and to send to them copies of the letters that have past on the subject. A reply to the Minister's letter is absolutely necessary, were it only to continue the reclamation, otherwise your silence will be a sort of consent to his observations.'

This draft of a letter, to which he alludes, was ingenious. He first proves himself to have been an American citizen, a character of which he affirms no subsequent act had deprived him. The title of French citizen was a mere nominal and honorary one, which the Convention chose to confer, when they asked him over to help them in making a constitution. But let the nature or honor of the title be what it might, the Convention had taken it away, of their own accord. 'He was excluded from the Convention on the motion for excluding foreigners. Consequently he was no longer under the law of the Republic as a citizen, but under the protection of the treaty of alliance, as fully and effectually as any other citizen of America.' It was, therefore, the duty of the American. Minister to demand his release.

Such is the drift of Paine's argument, and it would seem, indeed, that he could not be a foreigner and a citizen at the same time. It was hard, that his only privilege of citizenship should be that of imprisonment. But this logic was a little too refined for the revolutionary tribunals of the Jacobins in Paris, and Mr Morris well knew it was not worth while to preach it to them. He did not believe there was any serious design at that time against the life of the prisoner, and he considered his best chance of safety to be in preserving silence for the present. Here the matter rested, and Paine was left. undisturbed, till the arrival of Mr Monroe, who procured his discharge from confinement. For several months he lived in Mr Monroe's house, but so intemperate were his habits, and disagreeable his person, that it was necessary to exclude him from the family, and send his meals to his own apartments.

Whilst Mr Morris was thus representing his country in France with dignity, firmness, and propriety, the Citizen Genet, French Minister in the United States, was, by some strange infatuation, practising a very extraordinary series of experiments upon the forbearance of the American people. These are too well known to need recapitulation. Suffice it to say, that the diplomatic aberrations of the Citizen Minister compelled the American government to demand his recall from the French Republic. This demand was transmitted through the hands of Mr Morris, and was acceded to immediately. In return, the French government solicited the American Minister's recall, which, as an act of reciprocity, could not be refused. No charge whatever appears to have been preferred, nor anything more than a request, on the ground of a reciprocal act.' When the Secretary of State communicated this intelligence, he assured Mr Morris that his conduct had given perfect satisfaction. The President likewise wrote him two private letters, containing the same assurance, and adding that his confidence, friendship, and regard, were undiminished. After these testimonies, Mr Morris had little to regret in resigning a station, which had been anything to him but a source of enjoy

ment.

He was not unprepared for this event. The persons in power he knew very well entertained towards him no friendly feeling. His former devotedness to the cause of the King, and the boldness with which he always expressed his political sentiments, had fixed impressions not to be removed or softened. Of this he was made fully aware, on more occasions than one; for, although his representations, relating directly to the concerns of his country, were duly regarded, yet in matters of minor weight, resting chiefly on personal influence, he met with delays and evasions by no means flattering. In one instance, a lady of high respectability, who had taken refuge in his house, and to whom he had afforded protection, was seized and imprisoned, contrary to his remonstrances and his claims under the laws of nations.

He had also heard rumors of the intention to ask his recall, and in such a way as left him little room to doubt the fact. It may be imagined, however, that he was not much gratified at the readiness with which a bare request for that object, unsupported by a single valid reason or pretended charge, was listened to by his government. The sole ground of his recall was the tenor of his political opinions, which had nothing to do with his character as Minister. After the downfall of the King, he had not entered in the remotest degree into the affairs of France, and, except the little altercation about the St Domingo business, which happened at the beginning of his mission, there had been a perfect harmony between him and the successive Ministers of the French Republic. He should be judged by his conduct after his official appointment, and not by his previous acts or sentiments as a private individual. This was a strong view of the case, and it no doubt occurred to Washington, yet circumstances wore a complexion at that time, which made it expedient to comply with the wishes of the French Cabinet in this matter, especially as it is desirable, in any state of things, that a minister should be acceptable to the government at which he is accredited.

CHAPTER XXII.

MR MONROE.-MR MORRIS LEAVES FRANCE.-TRAVELS

IN SWITZERLAND. -VISITS M. NECKER AND MADAME DE STAEL-BASLE.-SCHAFFHAUSEN. PASSES THROUGH GERMANY TO HAMBURG.-RESIDES AT ALTONA. TRAVELS IN HOLSTEIN.-ARRIVES IN LONDON.-INTERVIEW WITH LORD GRENVILLE.-COUNT WARANZOW.-MR PITT.-TRAVELS IN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.-BISHOP OF LANDAFF.-CONVERSATION WITH THE KING. RETURNS TO THE CONTINENT.-VISITS BERLIN, DRESDEN, AND VIENNA. SIR MORTON EDEN.

MR MONROE arrived at Paris in August, 1794, as successor to Mr Morris, whose purpose then was to return soon to the United States. In the end, however, this plan was altered. He remained several years in Europe, visiting some of the principal Courts, and travelling through many countries. The limits of this memoir will admit only a brief notice of these peregrinations, and such sketches from his Diary, now again resumed, as will mark the occasional turn of his thoughts, and objects of his inquiry. He left Paris, on the twelfth of October, for Switzerland.

From the Diary, October 12th, 1794.- Before I left Paris, Mr Monroe called on me and explained his conduct and his views. He begins to find out that fine words are of little value; and his letters from America show me, that something more is expected, and justly expected there, for the many violences committed against our merchants. In my opinion, he has taken the wrong tone at first, and will find much difficulty in changing it now. Time must determine a pretty serious question on that subject, so far as I am personally conIcerned at least. I have the consolation to have made no sacrifice, either of personal or national dignity, and I believe I should have obtained everything, if the American govern

inent had refused to recall me. I rejoice that I am no longer in the pitiful situation, which I have so long endured. For the rest, experience must decide, and I hope that events will be favorable to America.'

On entering Switzerland, he passed a day with M. Necker at Copet, and another with Madame de Staël, who was then living in that neighborhood.

'October 23d.-Go to dinner at Madame de Staël's, where I am received with great warmth; the more necessary as I have a villanous ague. A good appetite at dinner, but the ague comes on very strong, and then the fever, which is gentle. We have much talk, or rather I have, for they are desirous of information both public and private; and I am more in condition to give it than most others. There is here a little French society, which live at her expense, and are as gay as circumstances will permit. The road to her house is up-hill and execrable, so that I think I shall not again go thither. On my return, being much out of sorts, I find the bed the properest place for me, and my pillow the fittest society.

'Basle, November 9th.-Supper is here, I find, the great meal; dinner being an affair of twelve o'clock. In going out this morning I observed that everybody as I passed saluted me with great respect. I thought it odd, that the manners of any country should extend so far the exterior of civility, and especially to strangers. It seemed like what we read of in China. This evening Madame Ehinger explains the mystery. In the same inn with me lodge some deputies of the other Cantons, who according to the constitution, pass three months here, and are even obliged to live in this inn. They, it seems, use the same coach which I have for this day, and, of course, all the profound reverences, which I observed, were made to me as deputy-perhaps only to the coach. This extreme respect for the Magistracy proves, however, in favor of the ' government.

Schaffhausen, November 15th.-Go with Monsieur Huber to see the falls of the Rhine, and walk a good part of