CHAPTER XX. MR MORRIS APPOINTED MINISTER FROM THE UNITED STATES TO THE IN CONCERTING COURT OF FRANCE.-PRESENTED TO THE KING.-AIDS SCARCELY had Mr Morris departed from Paris, when an article came out in Brissot's paper, affirming that he was sent over to London by the Aristocrats and the Court, for the purpose of thwarting the plans and defeating the negotiations of the Bishop d'Autun. This was copied into the British papers, but was doubtless without any foundation.* He had been but a few days in London, when he received intelligence of his appointment as Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States to the Court of France. The news of this appointment was not altogether unexpected. His friend Robert Morris had written to him eighteen months previously, that there could be little doubt of his being * When the report of the above imputation of Brissot de Warville reached Mr Morris, he wrote to him the following note. 'Mr Morris is informed, that Monsieur de Warville has imputed to him, in terms not very delicate, an intention to counteract the designs of the Bishop d'Autun in England. He takes the liberty to assure M. de Warville, that he is much misinformed. Whether the French Court does or does not wish success to the mission of M. de Perigord, Mr Morris will not pretend to conjecture, till he knows what that mission is; but if the idea of their Majesties' disinclination be no better founded, than that of Mr Morris's agency, he ventures to assure M. de Warville, that it is totally unworthy of credit. London, February 3d, 1792.' intended either for the Court of London or Versailles, and that Mr Jay believed it would be the former. He added, that Mr. Jay had conversed with the President on the subject, before Mr Jefferson's arrival as Secretary of State, and considered it as a fixed point in the President's mind, that Gouverneur Morris should be nominated to one of the two Courts. It was supposed, that Mr Jefferson's partiality would induce him to prefer Mr Madison, as Minister to France, and that Washington's well known friendship for that gentleman, and respect for his character and talents, would naturally incline him to accord with the opinion of the Secretary of State. Again, a movement was made in Europe, probably through M. de Montmorin, to promote Mr Carmichael, then Chargé des Affaires in Madrid, to the station of Minister at the Court of Versailles. Montmorin had been on terms of intimacy and friendship with Carmichael, during the time of his residence in Spain as Minister from France. Mr Short, also, who had been left by Mr Jefferson as Chargé in Paris, had some good grounds for expecting the appointment of Minister. Amidst these floating rumors, Mr Morris had slender expectations of being designated for that mission, although he had reasons for anticipating the one to England. It was known, however, to Robert Morris, that his preference was for France, and it may be presumed his friend did not leave the President ignorant of the fact. Mr Morris, Mr Pinckney, and Mr Short were nominated by the President on the same day to the Senate, the first for the Court of France, the second for England, and the third for Holland. But these nominations were not confirmed, till twenty days afterwards, during which period there was much debate on the question, whether it was for the interest of the United States to have Ministers residing permanently at foreign Courts. The sentiment of the Senators was divided, and the same was understood of the Representatives. In the Senate there would seem to have been a majority against the question, for the appointments were after all confirmed on the ground, that there was then a special occasion' for sending Ministers to the three respective Courts. These were the first appointments of Foreign Ministers under the new government. In Mr Morris's case were also other considerations, which his enemies made the most of against him. The ill success of his negotiation in England, and the insinuations that had got abroad of his indiscreet confidence in M. de la Luzerne, and his abrupt manners towards the British Ministry, were magnified by his political adversaries into charges of a grave nature.* His aristocratical connexions in France, and his hostility to the principles of the revolution, as it was then conducted, were also well known, and thought by many to disqualify him for the station of Minister from a Republic, in alliance with that nation, and professing a sympathy in its revolutionary progress. Owing to these combined causes of opposition, he was chosen in the Senate, January 12th, 1792, by a majority of only five votes out of sixteen, there being eleven against him. When the notice of his appointment was forwarded, under the seal of the Secretary of State, General Washington wrote him a private letter, in which he frankly enumerated all the objections, which had been raised against him, and more than intimated a belief that they were in some instances too well founded. The official communications of the Secretary of State,' says the President, 'accompanying this letter, will convey to you the evidence of my nomination, and the appointment of you to * Mr Morris ever considered these reports, as having been sent out by the British Ministers, with the view of apologizing for their own conduct, in not coming to some seasonable arrangement with him, which he believed they afterwards repented of. In writing to Robert Morris, November 14th, 1791, he says; The obstacle to a treaty was in the British Cabinets. The opposers have since found out, that they committed a fatal error, and wish to get clear of the blame. They would have been very glad of any excuse to tread the ground back again, but fortunately none such was given, and they have, therefore, in fear of French influence, sent you a Minister. And they will make a treaty with us, as soon as the people are ripe for it, and the mercantile interests feel the necessity.' be Minister Plenipotentiary for the United States at the Court. of France; and my assurance, that both were made with all my heart, will, I am persuaded, satisfy you as to that fact. I wish I could add, that the advice and consent (of the Senate) flowed from a similar source. Candor forbids it, and friendship requires, that I should assign the causes, as far as they have come to my knowledge.' He then recapitulates all the particulars, which have been heretofore mentioned, respecting Mr Morris's sentiments, manners, and transactions in England and France. It was urged,' he continues, that in France you were considered as a favorer of aristocracy, and unfriendly to its revolution, (I suppose they meant the Constitution;) that under this impression you could not be an acceptable public character; and, of consequence, you would not be able, however willing, to promote the interest of this country in an essential degree.' It is remarkable here, that the President regarded Mr Morris's aristocratical tendencies, as appertaining to the Constitution, and not to the principles or progress of the revolution, but this inference would scarcely be drawn from his Diary, or letters, at any stage of his resi dence in France. To the revolution, as it was conducted, and in the spirit of its advocates and movers, he cannot be said ever to have been friendly. General Washington closed his letter in the same tone of frankness, which he had begun, seasoned with a spice of admonition, that could not fail to give it effect. Not to go further into detail, I will place the ideas of your political adversaries in the light, in which their arguments have presented them to me; viz. that the promptitude, with which your lively and brilliant imagination displays itself, allows too little time for deliberation and correction, and is the primary cause of those sallies, which too often offend, and of that ridicule of character, which begets enmity not easy to be forgotten, but which might easily be avoided, if it were under the control of more caution and prudence. In a word, that it is indispensably necessary, that more circumspection should be observed by our representatives abroad, than they conceive you are inclined to adopt. In this statement you have the pros and cons. By reciting them, I give you a proof of my friendship, if I give none of my policy or judgment. I do it on the presumption, that a mind conscious of its own rectitude fears not what is said of it, but will bid defiance to shafts, that are not barbed with accusations against honor or integrity. Of my good opinion, and of my friendship and regard, you may be assured.' This letter was received by Mr Morris in the same friendly temper in which it had been written, and his subsequent conduct as Minister to the French government affords ample proof, that its counsels were not disregarded. That his opinions, and the bold manner in which he had expressed them on all occasions, were a serious obstacle to the successful exercise of his official duties, especially after the overthrow of the monarchy in France, and the triumph of the disorganizing factions, cannot be denied, but he is entitled to the full credit of caution and circumspection, and to the praise of maintaining with dignity and firmness the interests of his country, in circumstances extremely vexatious and trying. It may with truth be affirmed, that no American Minister abroad ever had a more difficult task to perform, or executed it, considering the situation in which he was placed, with more skill and ability. His official correspondence, while he was Minister to the French Court, was with Jefferson then Secretary of State, and occasionally with Hamilton, Secretary of the Treasury. To Washington he wrote constantly, as to a private friend, and presented a more detailed narrative of affairs, than was contained in his public despatches. It would be difficult to find, within the same compass, so full an account of the political progress and changes of the French Revolution for nearly five years, as may be gathered from his letters, private and official. He viewed the great panorama of passing events with a penetrating and comprehensive mind, and sketched what he saw 2 |