an object so important to both parties, and ensure the confidence and friendship of Spain. Mr Morris replied, that many of his colleagues thought it was time to pass a law de coercendo imperio, that to extend the territory of the United States farther to the south and west would be rather to weaken than confirm the union, and that the poverty and vigor of the north were the best safeguards of the Republic. He said these same persons considered it for the interest of the Confederation, that the navigation of the Mississippi, as high up as the mouth of the Ohio, should appertain exclusively to his Catholic Majesty, because it would be the only means of retaining under dependance to the Republic the mass of population, which would spring up between the Ohio and the Lakes, and in the eastern settlements of Virginia; that the inhabitants of these immense regions, whether English or Americans, having an outlet down the St Lawrence on one side, and the Mississippi on the other, would be in a condition to domineer over the power of the United States, and even of Spain, and would in the end render theinselves independent.

M. Gerard asked if this was the general sense of Congress, for he knew several members, who thought the navigation of the Mississippi should belong equally to the English and Americans. Mr Morris answered, that these topics had not been agitated in such a manner, as to come to any positive result, but the prevalent feeling was, that it would not be expedient to extend dominion to the south, and he believed the persons, who wished to take possession of the Floridas, had a scheme of ceding them to Spain for a pecuniary consideration; and that some of those at least, who were bent on securing the navigation of the Mississippi, were interested in the new establishments in that quarter.*

* It is proper to state, perhaps, that the substance of this conversation has been drawn from a despatch of M. Gerard to the Count de Vergennes, dated at Philadelphia, October twentieth, 1778, and now depos

The most essential article in the instructions to Dr Franklin was that, which enjoined on him the necessity of procuring pecuniary aid from the French Court, and of representing in their strong and true features the distresses of the country, on account of the deranged state of the finances, and the impossibility of prosecuting the war to any good effect, unless supplies of money from some quarter could be obtained. To put Dr Franklin in possession of facts and arguments on this subject of vital importance, Mr Morris wrote Observations on the Finances of America, designed to illustrate and accompany the article in question, and which Dr Franklin was ordered by a letter from the President of Congress to lay before the French Ministry.

ited among the American Papers,' which I examined in the Archives of Foreign Affairs in Paris.

The concluding paragraph of this same despatch, although on another subject, will not be the less interesting to every American reader. It was written at the end of the second campaign, in which General Lafayette had been engaged in America. Eighteen months before, it must be remembered, he escaped from France in defiance of the authority of the King, and entreaties of his friends, with a determination to fight the battles of liberty in the new world. He was now about to return to his native country, honored with the confidence and marked approbation of Congress, and the hearty applause of the whole American people.

'I ought not to terminate this long despatch,' says M. Gerard to the Count de Vergennes, 'without rendering to the wisdom and dexterity of the Marquis de Lafayette, in the part he has taken in these discussions, the justice which is due to his merits. He has given most salutary counsels, authorized by his friendship and experience. The Americans have strongly solicited his return with the troops, which the King will send. He has replied with a due sensibility, but with an entire resignation to the will of the King.

'I cannot forbear saying, that the conduct equally prudent, courageous, and amiable of the Marquis de Lafayette, has made him the idol of the Congress, the army, and the people of America. A high opinion is entertained of his military talents. You know how little I am inclined to adulation, but I should be wanting in justice, if I did not transmit to you these testimonials, which are here in the mouth of the whole world.'

It was the purpose of these Observations, to show the causes of the financial difficulties in the United States, and to suggest remedies. The history of the paper currency was touched upon, and also the reasons of its depreciation, its effects in producing monopolies, deranging prices, creating distrust, and thus gradually destroying its own value. Although the disease was radical and complicated, the remedies were simple. Taxation, subsidies, and loans were the three prescriptions, each of which, if duly applied, would work a cure. The first was impossible in the existing state of things, because the absolute amount of money in the country was not adequate to the payment of taxes, and new emissions of paper would only increase the evil. Domestic loans were equally fallacious, because they must be paid in the defective currency, subject to fluctuation, which would not tempt money holders to risk a transaction of this sort. The only remaining resource was in foreign loans or subsidies, and, after coming to this point, the business was turned over as usual to Dr Franklin, to be managed by such address, ingenuity, and force of argument, as he should find at his command.

Notwithstanding the coldness of M. Gerard, Congress could not forego their splendid scheme of attacking Canada in concert with France, and it accordingly found its way into the instructions to Dr Franklin, explained at large by a copy of the plan proposed for conducting the attack. Meantime the scheme was submitted to General Washington, whose letter in reply, pointing out many objections and discouragements, was referred to a committee, of which Mr Morris was chairman. The committee concurred in the views of Washington, and reported to that effect, at no small sacrifice of their own bright anticipations. The Canada project was thus laid aside, not seasonably enough to keep it out of the instructions to Dr Franklin, but in time to transmit to France by General Lafayette the ultimate decision of Congress, and prevent any steps being taken in the affair under those instructions.

During the winter General Washington visited Philadelphia,

in compliance with a request from Congress, for the purpose of consulting and agreeing on the operations of the next campaign. Mr Morris's long residence in the camp at Valley Forge, and his intimate knowledge of the arrangement and concerns of the army, indicated him as a suitable member to be one of the committee, for holding conferences with the commander in chief on the present occasion. The interminable Canada plan came up again, underwent a new investigation, and was dismissed without grace. Various modes of operation were then examined, future contingences weighed, means estimated, chances balanced, the probable force of the enemy discussed, as well as that which Congress could bring into the field, the most feasible points of attack considered, and at last a general system was struck out, which was to serve as the prominent aim both of Congress and the commander in chief, and to guide them into the same train of design and action.

CHAPTER XII.

DEBATES IN CONGRESS ON THE TERMS OF PEACE.-MR MORRIS DRAFTS THE INSTRUCTIONS ON THIS SUBJECT.-SILAS DEANE.-THOMAS PAINE.

-MR MORRIS'S SPEECH IN THE AFFAIR OF PAINE. TREATIES WITH FOREIGN POWERS.

ALTHOUGH We have hitherto seen Mr Mortis in Congress mainly devoted to the interests of the army, and other matters of domestic concern, yet he was not less vigilant in becoming acquainted with the foreign relations, nor less active and laborious in giving his services to that department. As a proof of this, it needs only be mentioned, that in February, 1779, when a committee of five was appointed to consider certain important despatches from the American Commissioners abroad, and communications from the French Minister in the United States, Mr Morris was placed at its head. The report of

this committee, in its character and consequences, was perhaps the most important that was brought forward during the war. It was the basis of the peace, which ultimately ensued, and embraced all the points then deemed essential or advisable to be urged in a treaty with England, when the time for such an arrangement should arrive. The question of boundaries, evacuation of the posts within the territory of the United States, the fisheries, navigation of the Mississippi, and other topics of moment, were introduced under distinct heads, and in a form to be examined and discussed in Congress.

This report was speedily called up, and kept under debate from time to time, as other business would allow, for the space of six months, that is, till the middle of August, during which period all the weighty principles of the expected treaty of peace were thoroughly canvassed, and the sentiments of each member clearly ascertained and openly expressed. Much unanimity prevailed, respecting the points in which the ministers for concluding a treaty were to be positively instructed, and wisely such points only were brought into serious discussion, or to a decisive issue. There would doubtless have been differences and contending opinions, had the inquiry come up, how far modifications or concessions should be made, under supposable circumstances, as the price of peace. Questions of this sort were prudently kept out of sight, and the attention of Congress fixed upon the principles considered fundamental, leaving a due latitude for contingences to the discretion of the negotiators. Mr Morris took a large share and a prominent lead in this long debate. When it came to an end, its results were to be embodied into a form of instructions to the Ministers, afterwards to be appointed for making peace. The drafts of these instructions were from the pen of Mr Morris, and unanimously adopted by Congress without change.

An affair, in which he got deeply concerned, in common with nearly all the members of Congress on one side or the other, was the controversy emanating from Silas Deane's agency and negotiations in Europe. Owing to particular circumstances,