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ed him. He informed us, too, that the legislature his love for future generations, his active philat of that state had passed resolutions, now in this thropy and manly eloquence no longer animate this house, requesting the aid of congress to mitigate assembly. Would to God his mantle had fallen on its evils. He nevertheless took care to give notice some one of his successors. Then that successor, that he should vote against the exclusion of slave- and not the humble individual who now addresses ry from Arkansaw. It is not my province, said you, would have introduced this amendment to the Mr. T. to question the consistency of any honora- consideration of the committee. He would have sup ble member of this committee, but certainly Mr. ported by eloquence so powerful, by argument so Chairman, I should not have anticipated such a con- unanswerable, by pathos so irresistible, that instead clusion, from the evidence before him. If Virgi of the meagre majority for which I hope, it would nia has found slavery an intolerable burden: if she be carried by the united voice of every member. seek the aid of congress to alleviate its evils, con- Mr. Chairman said Mr. T. I too sensibly feel the fessedly too great and too inveterate for cure: if value of your time, to proceed in this discussion.she deplore the policy by which it was introduced, I have touched, but with the utmost brevity, the I should not have expected to find a representative most prominent objections which have been urged from Virginia legislating for the prosperity of Ar- against the amendment: less I could not say in jus kensaw, and unwilling to exclude it from that ter- tice to myself-much more I ought to say in jusritory. tice to the subject. The general consideration Another gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. H. Nel which I had the honor to suggest, when in comson,) has charged us with fighting behind a mask-mittee on the Missouri bill, are equally applica ed battery. He considers this amendment as the ble on the present occasion. I will not repeat entering wedge to prepare the way for an attack by them-they are fresh in your recollection. May congress on the property of masters in their slaves, the future inhabitants of Arkansaw approve the in the several states. The charge is unfounded.-decision we now shall make-I ask no more. Let We know too well the constitutional powers of their interests be our guide, and the further inthis house, and the constitutional rights of the troduction of slavery will not contaminate their states, to entertain an idea of such flagrant usurpa-borders.

tion. Nay, sir, said Mr. T. we do not propose, Mr. WALKER, of North Carolina-Mr. Chairman even in this territory, over which we have full and—In taking a view of this subject, let it not be undisputed sovereignty, to take from the master forgotten, that we are legislating in a free country, his property in a slave-so far from it, that if it be and for a free people; the importance of the prin fact that the labor of slaves is there in demand, by ciple now contested, demands our utmost attention prohibiting their further introduction into the ter- and vigilance to the great principles of the consti ritory, that demand will be increased, and the va- tution, and particularly to that friendly compromise lue of such property now there, will be greatly en- entered into by the worthy framers of that instru hanced. The same gentleman said Mr. Taylor, ment. It was then conceded that the slave hold. has expressed an opinion that if our ancestors had ing states were to hold an equal portion of policy, maintained the doctrine embraced in the amend- and to be entitled to the same advantages as other ment, the Federal constitution would never have states in the union. But it appears by the prohi been formed, and he has thought proper to warn bition and restriction attempted to be made as a us that, if it be persisted in, the confederation will condition of admitting new states into the union, be dissolved. Has it then come to this? Is the a direct violation of that sacred compact is attempt. preservation of our union made to depend on the ed. Sir, the amendment proposed by the gentleadmission of slavery into a territory not belonging man from New-York, (Mr. Taylor) which prohibits to the states when the constitution was adopted? slaves from being taken into the territory of the A territory purchased by congress, and for which Arkansaw, completely deprives the citizens of the congress are bound to legislate, with a faithful re-southern section of the union from any advantages gard to the public welfare. Are we to be terrified arising in the government, or from having either from doing our duty, by threats of disunion and dis- part or lot, or any inheritance, on the west side of memberment? If the day ever arrive when the repre- the Mississippi. Sir, was it not purchased by the sentatives of one section of the country shall legis. whole United States? Did not the southern states late, in this hall under the the influence of threats contribute their full share for that purchase? And from another, it will be high time for a dissolution are they not morally and politically entitled to of the union. No, sir, said Mr. T. that honorable equal advantages of the soil? It is to be presum gentleman greatly mistakes the people of this coun-ed that a great portion of the population of thist try, if he suppose this union-cemented by so territory will be emigrants from the southern strong interests, necessary to all, and especially to states; they will be disposed to remove to that the slave holding states-consecrated by so much climate suited to their constitution and habits, or glorious achievement-sanctified by the blood of the culture of rice and cotton. Shall they be pro so many heroes-endeared by victories won with the exertions and treasures of all-that this union, the preservation of which is the first lesson of lisping infancy, and the last prayer of expiring age-that this union can ever be destroyed or in the least impaired by promoting the cause of humanity and But, sir, I contend that we have no legitimate freedom in America. But, sir, said Mr. T. the ho- power to legislate on the property of the citizens, norable gentleman has mentioned a fact which only to levy taxes. We might, with the same shows how Virginia herself felt and acted on the right, prohibit other species of property from subject of slavery, in the convention of 1787. It crossing the Mississippi. Have not the southera was, he informs us, a representative from Virginia states yielded to the eastern states so much of who drew the ordinance excluding slavery from their favorite system of free white population, as the North West territory. This, said Mr. T. was to give up and relinquish the new states of Ohio, noble act-worthy to immortalize the name of Indiana, and Illinois, and all the vast territory north Grayson. But alas! Ilis zeal for the rights of man, of the river Ohio? and shall the slave holding states

scribed, and prohibited from taking their slaves! Sir, if so, your land will be an uncultivated wastea fruitless soil; it is further south than the 35th de gree of latitude, a low and warm country, and will not support a laboring white population.

be withheld from a small share of the prospective a measure tending to the increase of such misery advantages arising in the settlement of this new and wretchednesss. territory? Gentlemen seem to think that they are The slaves already in the United States, as the serving the cause of humanity effectively, in pro-laws now are, can only be increased by pro-creation. bibiting slaves to cross the Mississippi. In this The penalties against further importation, and the they are mistaken; they are withholding from them measures adopted to enforce them, are such that the means of all the comfort and happiness their we cannot reasonably fear that many, if any more, condition affords; that is, food and raiment. It is will be smuggled into the union. The permission well known that in the frontier country the ser- of slavery in the territory of Arkansaw will afford vant feeds as his master, and is sufficiently clothed, no additional facilities to the introduction of this while in the interior of the old states the means of unfortunate race from abroad. The state of Lou subsistence is scanty and improvident. isiana, already established, lying principally west But, sir, the great and radical objection to the of the Mississippi, and on the banks of it, and adamendment proposed, is taking away from the peo-joining the gulf of Mexico, without being under ple of this territory the natural and constitutional any restriction, in this particular, will be the place right of legislating for themselves, and imposing on in which slaves will be smuggled in, if smuggled them a condition which they may not willingly ac at all. They could not be smuggled into Arkansaw cept. In organising a territorial government, and till they had been conveyed 300 miles through forming a constitution, they, and they alone, have Louisiana.

the right, and are the proper judges of that policy The natural increase will be the same, whether best adopted to their genius and interest, and it in one part of the union or the other; or, if it would ought to be exclusively left to them. If they wish be greater in the western country, it would be the to exclude slaves from being taken into their terri-consequence of an ameliorated condition, and theretory, they can prohibit them by their own act. If fore not to be regretted, as the cause of humanity they think proper to admit the emigration of slaves, would thereby be promoted. This will be obvious they can say so. Let them be their own judges, to those who have had an opportunity of comparing and not force upon them a yoke they may not be the slavery on the Atlantic seaboard with that of willing to bear. Sir, the people of Arkansaw and the western country. On the seaboard, for from of the west are competent judges of their constitu50 to 80 miles into the country, through the whole tional rights, and well know how to appreciate their of the southern states, the soil is sterile-and there privileges as freemen; and be assured, the fur-it is that there is the greatest proportion of slaves, ther from your metropolis, the greater the enthu- subjected to the most lamentable state of degrada siasm for liberty. Slavery is an evil we have long tion and misery. The produce is trifling and scanty; deplored but cannot cure; it was entailed on us by the market at the same time high. The slave is our ancestors, it was not our original sin, and we pinched and stinted, and allowed, in many incannot, in our present situation, release ourselves stances, but his peck of corn per week, for his whole from the embarrassment; and, as it is an evil, the subsistence. In the western country the produce more diffusive, the lighter it will be felt, and the is abundant, and the market poor: The slave is wider it is extended the more equal the propor there well fed, and happy. The greatest kindness tion of inconvenience. We know we felt yester you can do a slave, is to tempt his master to remove day on the Missouri bill you have the power: you with him to the western country. The master will are the majority; but do not bear us down on this be bettered in his own condition at the same time, question. I trust that gentlemen will exercise on and this also will increase bis liberality to his this vote a sprit of conciliation, and give the south-slaves. All travellers from the Atlantic to the ern states an inheritance among their brethern by west, are struck with the increased amelioration in suffering such of us as are disposed to become citi-their condition, as they progress.

zens of the Arkansaw to take our slave property But, sir, there is another point of view in which with us. Then your lands will be sold; your soil I would beg my friends look at this subject. In will be cultivated; and your country will flourish the degree in which you increase the proportion Mr. WHITMAN, of Massachusetts-Mr. SPEAKER: of the free beyond that of the slave population, I am impelled, by a sense of duty to myself, as well in the same ratio you increase the chance for as by a hope to be able to throw some light on this emancipation, final and total. To prove this we subject, to endeavor to exhibit the view which need only look at some of our sister states. The have taken of it. At this stage of the debate, the majority, consisting of non-slave holding indivibouse having become weary, I cannot expect to duals, in those states, has compelled the minority gain much attention; and, had any other gentleman gradually to let go their hold upon this species of exhibited the view which influences my mind, oroperty. New-York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, should have been silent. Without some explana- and Delaware, in this way, have nearly rid themtion, the vote which I am about to give might seem selves of this reproach upon humanity. The best inconsistent with that which I gave in committee mode, therefore, to promote the cause of a final of the whole, and should have given in the house, emancipation, would be to suffer the slaves to be on a similar amendment proposed, in the case of scattered thinly over the western states. These the admission of Missouri as a state. I voted in states will be peopled, in much the largest prothat case against the admission of slavery into that|portion, by those who do not, and who are too poor state. I did not so vote, however, in expection to hold slaves. It is the laboring class of the com. that it would diminish slavery in the United States. munity, and the industrious yeomanry of our counI do not view the subject as necessarily involving try, who will emigrate thither. The man of wealth, that question; and, if it be involved in i., I think it and those are principal slave-holders, will not recan be made manifest that the reasons are in favor move. Hence, the case in the western country, as of its admission, rather than its rejection, if we it respects the slaves, will be perfectly similar to would promote emancipation, and provide for the that which brought about emancipation in the states amelioration of the condition of the slaves. No before mentioned.

man would abhor more a contrary tendency than I In Missouri it is said that about one fifth of the should. I should shudder at the idea of adopting population are slaves. These were held it is said,

1

principally by the French and Spanish people, at tions that slavery should not be tolerated, yet, noth the time of its cession to the United States. The ing would prevent their altering their constitution population now pouring in there, consists of the after such admission; and that we should have no hardy yeomanry of the north. It will soon be the means of enforcing the regulation-and that we case there, that the proportion of slaves and of cannot make stipulations that we cannot enforce. slave-holders will be comparatively trifling. Can In this, I believe, there is a mistake. It is true, any man believe that in such case they will not perhaps, that the United States could not, by any there do as has been done in the other states? act of legislation, enforce the observance of the The majority having the power, will they not com- regulation. But, sir, suppose it should be attempted pel the minority gradually to rid themselves of this to hold an individual as a slave, in contravention species of property? I believe, sir, it is not in the of such a stipulation, would he not, and could he nature of man to do otherwise. Were no restric-not, apply to the courts of the United States, by tion to be imposed on Missouri, even there it is as habeas corpus, or otherwise, and obtain his libera. fixed as fate, that slavery must, ere long, be tion? abolished. If then it were proper to consult the

power.

These regulations are no novelty. They have cause of humanity only, in disregard of every other heretofore been adopted on the admission of new consideration, we should encourage the dispersion states. Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, have been subof the slaves now in the union, to the utmost of our jected to them. Besides the regulations prohibit. ing slavery, we have been in the constant habit of What, sir, would be the inevitable consequence requiring other stipulations of the newly admitted of cooping them up within certain limits? In such states. We have required that they should not case the poorer whites would emigrate; the slaves tax the lands of the United States, and the lands and slave-holders would remain. While the free sold by the United States, for five years after population would remain stationary, or diminish, the sale. Now, sir, the right to levy and collect the slaves would increase. The result of which taxes is an attribute of sovereignty which could would be, as it ever has been, that the slave must no more be abridged, on the admission of a new be treated with more rigor; he must be kept state, than the power to admit slavery. If we ignorant, be humbled, and debased; for, sir, peo- can require stipulations for the one, we can for ple must and will consult their own safety. If the the other-and our right heretofore has never slaves should become sufficiently numerous to been doubted to do either. Should a state, after render it possible to regain their freedom, if they its admission, in contravention of the compact, as are not degraded to the character of brutes, they it may be called, proceed to tax United States will be tempted to combine, and destroy their op- lands, or lands sold by the United States, before pressors. In such cases the white people dare not the expiration of the five years, the United States admit of the emancipation of slaves, lest it should could do nothing by way of inforcing it otherwise afford an opportunity to the emancipated, by means than by a resort to the tribunals of law for relief. of obstruction and observation, to become capable of heading and exciting the slaves against their masters. Hence, in some states emancipation has been prohibited by law. The condition of a slave in such cases is wretched, indeed.

This, then, is the power which we have, and can exercise whenever we deem it proper. In some

cases we have exercised it in relation to the inhibi

tion of slavery; and in others not. We have, I trust, exercised the power, in cases which have properly This, then sir, is not a question which ought to required it; and again bave omitted it in cases in be decided under the apprehension that it will which it should have been omitted. It is, then, on increase the horrors of slavery. If it affects the the admission of a new state, a question, solely, question it is wholly the other way. of expediency and policy. We are now to determine whether we shall exercise this power in this

As to the question, which has been agitated with so much zeal, relative to the power of the United case. States, on the admission of a new state, to cause a stipulation to be agreed to, preventing slavery or We should consider that we have, by our com. requiring its gradual abolition, I can entertain no mon and joint funds, acquired a large tract of doubt. We certainly have this power. The ter. vacant territory west of the Mississippi: that it is ritories are under the absolute control of the Unit valuable to our country as furnishing a fertile region ed States. We have the power to admit them into for the citizens of our country to resort to for the the union as states or not. Before admitting them purpose of bettering their conditions, acquiring we may require any stipulation relative to their property, and providing for their children.-The internal police or municipal regulations that we two great sections of the union, to wit, the slaveplease, as a condition on which we will agree to holding and the non-slave holding sections, have their admission. We could not require any thing, an equal right to its enjoyment. By permitting I admit, repugnant to the fundamental articles of slavery in every part of it, the non-slave-holding the federal government-such as that they should portion will be deprived of it; if not entirely, not be represented in the senate and house of re- certainly in a very great degree. On the other presentatives of the United States, and have elec-hand, if the people of the south cannot carry their tors of president, &c. the same as the other states. slaves with them when they emigrate, the benefit Whatever any other state would be entitled to by will be equally lost to them.

the express provisions of the federal constitutions We must, then, go on as we have begun; adwe could not deny to a newly admitted state Noth-mitting some states with, and some without, any ing will now prevent an agreement with any of the restriction. We have already admitted Louisiana, individual states in the union as to any municipal lying principally west of the Mississippi, without regulation, deemed proper or necessary for the use any restriction, for the benefit of our southern of any portion of the citizens of the union-and brethren. We have now decided to admit Missouri, certainly the same may be stipulated for on the with the restiction, with a view, in some measure, admission of a new state, as a condition of its ad-I trust, to the benefit of our northern brethren. mission. Gentlemen have said that, although we Why may we not continue in the same way, admitmight compel them to stipulate in their constituting states off against the non-slave-holding stateh

westerly, with the restriction, and off against the slave-holding states, without it.

my duty not to vote in favor of the restriction in relation to Arkansaw-at the same time I shall go any reasonable length with those who would insist upon the restriction in relation to Missouri.

We have no right to interfere in opposition to the determination of the slave-holding states, furGentlemen have said, that people of the North ther than the constitution has authorised. These emigrate to the South, and readily assimilate, and states were sovereign, and could make what rebecome slave-holders; and that the existence of gulations they would, as to slavery. They have slavery forms no objection. This may be the case, delegated to us no other authority than that of and undoubtedly is, with certain individuals, and prohibiting further importation, after a certain particularly such as are able to hold slaves. But period. It is then an evii which we have not creatit is far from being the case generally. The peo ed, nor does it even exist and continue by our perple from the North, who emigrate, are the indus mission. We are, in fact, by the most solemn trious yeomanry, who till the earth with their own obligation, precluded from the right to molest hands; and are seldom, if ever able to purchase those states in the exercise of this power. Not slaves; and whose spirit of freedom would revolt having the power to prevent it, the iniquity can. at the idea of being compelled to work side by side not lie at our doors. There is no ground on which with slaves. For proof of this, look at the states we can demand to be their conscience-keepers. of Ohio and Kentucky. The fertility of soil and They must answer for the wrong, and not, we. congeniality of climate, for agricultural purposes, Under this view of the subject, I shall deem it is in favor of Kentucky; yet you can scarcely find a northern man in that state; while Ohio is almost exclusively peopled from the North-and has increased in population much faster than Kentucky There cannot possibly be any other reason for this, unless it is that Kentucky is a slave-holding, and That a full view might have been given of the Obio a non-slave-holding state. "whole ground," the editor regrets hus inability to Gentlemen abhor sectional lines of demarkation furnish the speeches of several members who opposed between the different descriptions of population in Mr. Tallmadge's proposed amendment, as being unthe union, and so do I. When they can be avoided, constitutional or impolitic—they have not been publishI would avoid them. But we have them in rela-ed. The following letter, however, from Mr. Shaw, of tion to this subject already. The line is distinctly Massachusetts, to his constituents, may be considered marked. It is, I confess, one of our misfortunes. as enlarging the sum of the arguments in respect to But, sir, it is unavoidable. We have heretofore the unconstitutionality of the proceedings. found it necessary and proper to observe it in form ing states north of the Ohio, without admitting, and south of the Ohio, with the admission of slaves. Having so begun, we must continue on. And in doing so, we must, as in the case of every other legislative act, exercise a sound discretion; and do that which shall best comport with the demands of the different and varying interests of the different portions of the union.

I am, therefore, in favor of no restriction in relation to Arkansaw, although I was, and still am, in favor of adopting it in relation to Missouri. The settled part of Arkansaw will be south of the southerly line of Kentucky. In my opinion, to do justice to our southern brethren, they ought to have permission to carry with them their slaves, even further north. But as Missouri extends south to this line, and we could not admit slavery in any part, and not in the whole, there seemed to be no alternative but to confine the admission of slavery to the south of that line.

FROM THE PITTSFIELD SUN.

SIR-Some of my friends having expressed a wish to hear from me the reasons and motives which induced the vote I gave on the bill "to authorise Missouri to form a constitution;" and since the election is past, and no motive but the real one can be ascribed, I embrace, with cheerfulness, the opportunity afforded of complying with their request. The right of the constituent to demand of his representative an explanation of his conduct is acknowledged. The liberal and candid will always strive to be just-their opinions I value. The factionist and critic can never be appeased; their applause or censure is immaterial to the repose of a conscientious man,

The territory of Missouri forms a part of the country purchased of France, under the general denomination of Louisiana. Its inhabitants petitioned to congress for permission to form a constitu tion of state government, preparatory to their admission into the union. A bill was reported in The gentlemen of the North need have no fears, compliance with their wishes. It was, in substance, I believe, that the slave-holding states will become similar to those which has passed in favor of predominant, and prevent our doing all that it may Tennessee, Ohio, Louisiana, Indiana, Mississippi, be proper for us to do, to prevent this growing Illinois, and Alabama. When the bill was called We now have the numerical force: we have up in the house of representatives, an amendment, a majority of ten or fif een in the representation on to the following effect, was submitted: "And prothis floor, as a guarantee against it. This majority"vided, that the further introduction of slavery, will increase upon the taking of every census. By "or involuntary servitude, be prohibited, except recurring to the census of 1800 and 1810, it will for the punishment of crimes whereof the party be seen that the incresse is from 25 to 30 per cent." shall have been duly convicted-and that all against the slave-holding section, Add to this,"children born within the said state, after the ad. that the slave portion of the increase gives but "mission thereof into the union, shall be free at the three fifths of the increase to the weight in this

evil.

house.

Neither have gentlemen any cause of alarm for fear that the gentlemen of the South will be for the repeal of the law prohibiting the importation of slaves. They have hitherto manifested as much of a disposition to put a final stop to that nefarious practice as could have been wished-that no doubt can be entertained of the steadiness of that disposi

tion.

Sur. TO VOL. XVI.

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"age of 25 years." This amendment formed a condition, with which Missouri must comply be. fore she became state, and incorporated with her constitution, denied to Missouri the exercise of a right of sovereignty after her admission into the union.

I was opposed to the amendment, because I be lieved it contrary to the constitution. In article 4th, section 3d, it is declared, that "new states may be admitted by congress into this anion. “2 Y

And in section 4th, "The United States shall law was passed under one administration. It was guarantee to every state in this union a repub-by construction that the bank of the United States "lican form of government." States are regard- was created under another. And the supreme ed throughout the whole instrument as sovereign judicial power of the country, (one branch of the and independent bodies, in the exercise of all pow general government,) have adjudged them both to ers not expressly surrendered to the federal go-be constitutional. And I venture to believe, that vernment, or reserved to the people. If, then, whatever power congress shall please to exert, new states may be admitted into this union by they will always find the supreme court ready to the congress, they must be admitted as sovereign to sustain them. Observations on the general and independent. The only condition congress course of the federal government have satisfied me can annex is prescribed by the 4th section of the that it is the bounden duty of a friend of the peo. 4th article. If any other is attempted, congress ple and of state rights, to watch, with the utmost transcends its powers Every enlargement of the scrupulosity, any enlargement of the powers of powers of congress beyond what is expressly congress-at the same time, I would not be under. granted, is an infringement on the sovereignty of s ood as insinuating that any of the gentlemen who the states, on the rights of the people. The fede voted in favor of the amendment to the Missouri ral government is one of delegated powers. It is bill, abandoned those sacred duties. For the essential to the indepe dence of all the states, character and consequences of their vote they that the rights of each be scrupulously maintain doubtless felt themselves responsible. ed. But if congress has the power of limiting the Again, I voted against the amendment in ques. exercise of sovereignty in a new state, what shall tion, because I believed it a violation of the treaty prevent it from stretching its prerogative over the of cession. By the third article of the treaty by sovereignty of an old one? And where is the free- which we acquired Louisiana, it is expressly stiman of Massachusetts that would tamely submit pulated, that the inhabitants of the ceded terri to see the congress of the United States lifting its tory shall be incorporated in the union of the Unitlordly hand against the most trifling of her rights. ed States, and admitted, as soon as possible, acMassachusetts once held slaves-would she have cording to the principles of the federal constitüborne to have had congress said to her, "you tion, to the enjoyment of all the rights, advanshall not abolish slavery." In the just exercise of tages, and immunities of citizens of the United her sovereign power, and in the spirit of true States, &c.

philanthropy, she wiped from her character this Every state in the union has been admitted, foul stain-she responded to the sentiment, that without any condition touching the rights of sove"ail men are born equal," and while she bore this reignty-all are permitted, or rather possess the testimony against a violation of the rights of her right, to hold slaves. Eleven of them do hold fellow men, she plainly evinced her resolution to resist any encroachments on her own.

Massachusetts has a claim upon the federal government, for the services of her militia, to an im mense amount. How was this claim created, but in the exercise of her supposed sovereign powers And upon what other principle does she calculate to urge its liquidation?

slaves. The treaty makes it imperative on congress to admit Missouri into the union-to this treaty the house of representatives have assented. That body voted the appropriation to carry the same into effect. Congress thereby agreed to admit Missouri "into the union" as a sovereign state, "to the enjoyment of all the rights, advan tages, and immunities of citizens of the United But it may be said, that, although Missouri States," and yet congress, by this amendment, should come into the union with this conditional says to Missouri, you shall not be admitted as a sovereignty, that after her admission, she might sovereign state, and your citizens shall not have alter her constitution, and establish slavery. If the same rights and advantages that citizens of this be admitted, then the amendment, against every state may have, and that the citizens of elewhich I voted, would be nugatory-nay, it would ven states absolutely enjoy. A clearer and more be worse-for, if no practical good could flow from fair interpretation of a treaty, in my opinion, was the proposition, unless with the assent of the peo- never made.

ple of Missouri, why legislate at all on the subject? The reasons flowing from the constitution and It was the wish of those who voted against the the treaty, would have been sufficient, had they proposition to leave Missouri, as all the other new stood alone, to have controlled my vote. But they states bad been left, to act on this subject as they were strengthened by considerations of policy. thought fit and proper. I was also influenced, in The opinion of mutual interest is the chain which some degree, by reasons flowing generally from binds these states together-change this opinion my views of the constitution. I have learned not for one, that a section of this country is hostile to only to regard the federal government as one of the interest of another, and distrust and jealousy delegated powers, but that those powers, being ex ensue-make that hostility palpable, and the union pressly granted, should be construed strictly. Con would not last a day. The slave-holding states, structive or incidental powers, in congress, give like the non-slave-holding states, are alive to all to that body too great a scope. Depart once from questions that touch their property-and however the land marks which the constitution has fixed, humiliating it may be to speak of human beings as and congress may take to itself any power it property, the constitution and laws of our country pleases the rights of the states will be denied consider the slaves of the south as such. Any or disregarded-the government will become a question calculated to affect the value or the right consolidated one-and the liberties of this people to this species of population, could not bat be well be lost forever. I would confine congress to regarded by our countrymen of the south with the the powers expressly granted. The danger of con- utmost jealousy. The country west of the Missis solidation was the apprehension which startled sippi was purchased with the joint funds of the some of the firmest patriots in the country when nation-all, therefore, had a joint interest in it. the constitution was adopted. There is a constant But the amendment proposed, by excluding slaves, tendency in the federal government to accumulate absolutely excluded the population of all the south wer. It was by construction that the sedition 'ern, and a part of the western states, from that

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