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branch of her sovereignty, one right, which the by subjecting half mankind to the will of the other other states may and have exercised, (whether pro.half? Justice, sir, is blind to colors, and weighs perly or not, is i:n material,) and do now exercise in equal scales the rights of all men, whether whenever they think fil?
white or black. Thirdly, to provide for the com. Mr. C. observed, that he did conceive the prin. mon defence, and secure the blessings of liberty. ciple iavolved in the amendment pregnant will D es slavery add any thing to the common defence! danger. It was one he repeated, to which he believ. Sir, the strength of a republic is in the arm of free. et the people of the region of country which he re- dom. But, above all things, do the blessings of presented would not quietly submit. He might per liberty consist in slavery? If there is any sincerity haps subject himself to ridicule, for attempting in our profession, that slavery is an ill, tolerated the disp ay of a spirit of prophecy which he did not only from necessity, let us not, while we feel that possess, or of zeal and enthusiasm for which he ill, shun the cure which consists only in an howas entitled to little credit. But he warned the nest avowal that liberty and equal rights are the advocates of this measure against the certain ef- end and aim of all our institutions, and that to tofects wliich it must produce. Effects destructive lerate slavery beyond the narrowest limits preof the peace and harmony of the union. He believ. scribed for it by the constitution, is * pervertion ed that they were kindling a fire which all the wa. of them all. ters of the ocean could sot extinguish. It could Slavery, sir, I repeat, is not established by our be extinguished only in blood!
constitution; but a part of the states are indulged Mr. LISEN MORE said-I am in favor of the pro- in the commission of a sin from which they could posed amendmeat. The object of it is to prevent not at once be restrained, and which they would the extention of slavery over the territory ceded to not consent to abandon. But, sir, if we could, by the United States by France. It accords with the any process of reasoning, be brought to believe it dictates of reason, and the best feelings of the bu justifiable to hold others to involuntary servitude, man heart; and is not calculated to interrupt any policy forbids that we should increase it. Even legitimate right arising either from the constitu. the present slave holding states have an interest, tion or any other compact. I propose to show I think, in limiting the extent of involuntary servi. what slavery is, and to inention a few of the many tude: for, should slaves become much more numeevils which follow in its train; and I hope to evince rous, and, conscious of their strength, draw the ibat we are noi bound to tolerate the existence of sword against their masters, it will be to the free 80 disgraceful a state of things beyond its present states the masters must resort for an efficient pow. extent, and that it would be impolitic, and very) er to surpress servile insurrection. But we have unjust, to let it spread over the whole face of our made a treaty with France, which, we are told can western territory. Slavery in the United States, is only be preserved by the charms of slavery. the condition of man subjected to the will of a Sir, said Mr. L. until the ceded territory shall master, who can make any disposition of him short have been made into states, and the new states ad. of taking away his life, in those states where it is mitted into the union, we can do what we will with tolerated, laws are enacted, making penal to in. it. We can govern it as a province, or sell it to struct slaves in the art of reading, and they are not any other nation. A part of it is probably at this permitted to attend public worship, or to hear the time sold to Spain, and the inhabitants of it may gospel preached Thus the light of science and of soon not only enjoy the comforts of slavery, but religion is utterly excluded from the mind, that the the blessings of the holy inquisition along with body may be more easily boved down to servitude. them. The question is on the admission of MisThe bodies of slaves may, with impunity, be pros.souri, as a state, into the union. Surely it will tituted to any purpose, and deformed in any man not be contended that we are bound by the treaty ner by their owners. The sympathies of nature, in to admit it. The treaty-making power does not slaves, are disregarded: mothers and children are extend so far. Can the president and senate, by a sold and separatel; the children wring their little treaty with Great Britain, make the province of hands, and expire in agonies' of grief, while the Lower Canada a state of this unign? To be receiv. berefi mother's commit suicide, in despair. Howed as a state into this union, is a privilege which long will the desire of wealth render us blind to no country can claim as a right. It is a favor to the sin of holding both the bodies and souls of our be granted or not, as the United States may choose. fellow men in chains! But, sir, I am admonished When the United States think proper to grants of the constitution, and told we cannot emancipate favor, they may annex just and reasonable terms; and slaves. I know we may not infringe that instru- what can be more reasonable than for these states to ment, and therefore do not propose to emancipate insist that a new territory, wishing to have the bene. slaves. The proposition before us goes only to pre. fits of freedom extended to it, should renounce vent our citizens from making slaves of such as principle that militates with justice, morality, relihave a right to freedom. In the present slave hold gion, and every essentiat right of mankind? Lowing states let slavery continue, for our boasted con- isiana was admitted into the union on terms. The stitution connives at it; but do not for the sake of conditions, I admit, were not very imporiant, but cotton and tobacca, let it be told to future ages still they recognize the principles for which I con. that, while pretending to love liberty, we have pur tend. chased an extensive country, lo disgrace it with An opportunity is now presented, if not to die ine foulest reproach of nations. Qiir constitution minish, at least to prevent, the growth of a sin requires no such thing of us. The ends for which which sits heavy on the soul of every one of us.thai supreme law was marle, are succinctly stated By embracing this opportunity, we may retrieve in its preface. They are first to form a more per the national character, and in some degree our ject union, and ensure domestic tranquility. Will own. But if we suffer it to pass unimproved, let slavery effect this? Can we, sir, by mingling bond us at least be consistent, and declare that our conwith free, black spirits with white, like Shakes-stitution was made to impose slavery, and not to peare's wiiches in Macbeth, form a more perfect establish liberty. Let us no longer tell idle inion, and ensure domestic Tranquility? Secondly, tales about the gradual abolition of slaverya 20 establish justice. Is justice to be established ! away with colonization societies, if their desigs is
Only to rid us of free blacks and turbulent slaves: like an incubus upon all it energies, and from which have done also with bible societies, whose views it can never be relieved. sre extended to Africa and the East Indies, while I regret, said Mr. T. the pertinacity with which they overlook the deplorable condition of their sa- gentlemen maintain their opposition. To my mind bie brethern within our own borders: make no more the amendment is both reasonable and necessary; laws to prohibit the importation of slaves, for the and, if the welfare of the territory were alone world must see that the object of such laws is alone consulted, I should entertain no doubt of its adopt. to prevent the glutting of a prodigious market for tion by an almosi unanimous vote. But other inthe flesh and blood of man, which we are about to terests are to be protected; and it is said that, as the esta'lish i the west, and to enhance the price of country was purchased with our common fund, it sturdy wretches,reared like black cattle and horse-, ought to enure to the common benefit. This, said for sale on our own plantatio:s.
Mr T. may be considered a truism; but, unfortu. nately for the argument of the gentleman who ad.
duced it, it has no application to the case before us. The Arkansaw Bill.
If it were proposed that the proceeds of the pub. IN THE USE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FER. 17. lic lands in Arkansaw should be appropriated to In committee of the whole on the bili to erect the use of the commonwealth of Massachusetts, the Arkansaw into a separate territorial government, objection would have weight. But, said Mr. T. Mr. Suih, of Md. in the chair. The amendment no hing like it is contemplated. The money to to prohibit the fur:ber introduction of slaves, and arise from the sale of lands in that territory, as in declaris:g their children, hereafter born in that ter all others, will go into the national treasury, and ritory, to be free, being under consideration be expended on national objects.
Mr. l'Arlon, of New York, in rising, said he re. Tlie gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. Clay) haa gr-tied being obliged to vote on this bill with so charged us, said Mr. T. with being under the influ. scanty information. The selec! committee which ence of negrophobia. Sir, he mistook his mark. I reported it, had laid on our table no statement of thank God that the disease mentioned by that facts--nocensis shewing the different kinds of popu. gentleman, is unknown to my constituents; and it Jation in the territory, nor even the aggregate of is because I wish to exclude it from Arkansaw, all descriptions. The situation and condition of that I have moved this amendment. But, sir, the cxisting seitlements are as little known It, how. excitement which this motion has produced, too ever, is generally understood that the climate and clearly shews that the negrophobia does unhappily soil are suited to the culture of wheat, corn, cot prevail in another section of this country; that it ton, and t.bcco. The delegate from Missouri now haunts its subjects in their dreams, and disturbs inforns me that the number of inhabitants, ex. their waking hours. You, sir have lately seen its clusive of Indians, may be estimated at 20,000. influence on one bonorable gentleman, (Mr. Col. of which one tenth are probably slaves. Mr. T sto..,) who considered the appearance of a black said he was unwilling to allow thie introduction of face in the gallery, pending yesterday's discussion, any more slaves: it could not be necessary for agri- of sufficient importance to justify a grave address cul ural purposes. All the productions before me. :o the committee, and an animated philippic upon tioned, could be brought to perfection, and raise the impropriety of this debate. To such genilein abundance, by freemen. Cotton and tobacco, men it may be "a delicate subject," but to me I for exporta:ion, had been chiefly produced by the confess it is not in my estimation, said Mr. T. the slave.biolding states. But, is it not reasonable, ask- delicacy of the subject is lost, and ought to be tored Mr. 1. that at least one small portion of our gotten in iis immense importance. "A delicate country, capable of growing these staples, should subject!" in which is involved the security and hap. be left open to the enterprize and industry of the piness of unborn millions; a subject too delicate
north and east. He saw no good reason why that for discussion! because our debaie may be over. · portion of the union which he had the honor, in heard by a negro in the gallery. Sir, it is a subject
part, to represent, should be excluded from parti vastly important to my children and the children cipating in this valuable species of agriculture.- of my constituents, who shall hereat:er emigrate That such would be the effect of allowing a free to Arkansaw; and, while I have the honor of a seat introduction of slaves, he had fully demonstrated on this floor, I will discuss it freely whenever to the committee when the bill for ihe admission of public duty, in my judgment, requires it. Missouri into the union was under consideration.- The honorable speaker, said Mr. Taylor, has ask. Mr. T. said it must be evident from the presented if we wish to coop up our brethern of ine slave ratio of population, as stated by the delegate from holding staies, and prevent the extension of their Missouri, that the labor of the territory was now population and wealth. Mr. Chairman, cast your performed chiefly by freemen. He hoped this state eye on that map; survey the immense and fertile of things might not only continue, bui improve.-regions which stretch from the Sabine to Georgia; He, therefore, could not consent to render labor count, if you can, the millions of rich acres in Lou. disgraceful-to connect it, in public sentiment, isiana, Mississippi and Alabama, lying uncultivat. with servility, and thereby degrade the condition ed and waste. If gentlemen wish lo disperse their of laboring men.
slaves, here is an abundant opening. In all these The gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. Clay,) has states, new as they are, slavery has already planted asked, said Mr. 1. what the people of the south its roots too deep, I fear, io be ever eradicated. have done, that they are to be proscribed, and bad With this opening I liope gentlemen will be con. expressed his deep regret at the introduction of tent. Let them not carry the pestilence beyond this amendment. We, sir, said Mr. T. do not pro- the Mississippi, into a country where its existence scribe them: we leave them in the full enjoyment as yet, is bui little known. Let them agree to the of all their rights: we only forbid them to practice amendment, and every vestige of slavery will soon wrongs: We invite them to the territory in question, disappear from the territory in question. but we forbid their bringing into it a population A gentleinan from Virginia, (Mr. Tyler) has adwhich cannot but prove its misfortune and curse; ded his lamentations on the existence of siavery in * population whicb, if once introduced, will faster this country to those of his colleagues who preced.
ed him. He informed us, too, that the legislature his love for future generations, his active philadof that state had passed resolutions, now in this thropy and manly eloquence no longer animate ibis house, requesting the aid of congress to mitigate assembly. Would to God bis mantle had fallen on its evils. "He nevertheless took care to give notice some one of his successors. Then that successor, that he should vote against the exclusion of slave. and not the humble individual who now addresses ry from Arkansaw. It is not my province, said you, would have introduced this amendment to the Mr. T. to question the consistency of any honora. consideration of the committee. He would have supble member of this committee, bút certainly Mr. ported by eloquence so powerful, by argument so Chairman, I should not liave anticipated such a con unanswerable, by pathos so irresistible, that instead clusion, from the evidence before bim. If Virgi of the meagre majority for which I hope, it would nia has found slavery an intolerable burden: if she be carried by the united voice of every member. seek the aid of congress to alleviate its evils, con. Mr. Chairman said Mr. T. I too sensibly feel the fessedly too great and too inveterate for cure: if value of your time, to proceed in this discussion.she deplore the policy by wbich it was introduced, I bave touched, but with the utmost brevity, the I should not have expecied to find a representative most prominent objections which have been urged from Virginia legislating for the prosperity of Ar. against the amendment: less I could not say in juskonsaw, and unwilling to exclude it from ihat ter. tice to myself~much more I ought to say in jusritory.
tice to the subject. The general consideration Another gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. H. Nel which I had the honor to suggest, when in comson,) has charged us with fighting bebind a mask. mittee on the Missouri bill, are equally applica. ed battery. He considers this amendment as the ble on the present occasion. I will not repeat entering wedge to prepare the way for an attack by them-they are fresh in your recollection. May congress on the property of masters in their slaves, the future inbabitants of Arkansaw approve the in the several states. The charge is unfounded. decision we now shall make-I ask no more. Let We kuow too well the constitutional powers of their interests be our guide, and the further inthis house, and the constitutional rights of the troduction of slavery will not contaminate their states, to entertain an idea of such flagrant usurpa. borders. tion. Nay, sir, said Mr. T. we do not propose;
Mr. WALKER, of North Carolina-Mr. Chairman even in this territory, over which we have full and - In taking a view of this subject, let it not be Undisputed sovereignty, to take from the master forgotten, that we are legislating in a free country, his property in a slave-so far from it, that if it be and for a free people; the importance of the prinfact that the labor of slaves is there in demand, by ciple now contested, demands our utmost attention prohibiting their further introduction into the ter. and vigilance to the great principles of the constiritory, that demand will be increased, and the va. tution, and particularly to that friendly compromise lue of such property now there, will be greatly en- entered into by the worthy framers of that instruhanced. The same gentleman said Mr. Taylor, ment. It was then conceded that the slave bold. has expressed an opinion that if our ancestors had ing states were to hold an equal portion of policy, maintained the doctrine embraced in the amend. and to be entitled to the same advantages as other ment, the Federal constitution would never have states in the union. But it appears by the prohi. been formed, and he bas thought proper to warn bition and restriction attempted to be made as a us that, if it be persisted in, the confederation will condition of admitting new states into the union, be dissolved. Has it then come to this? Is the a direct violation of that sacred compact is attempt. preservation of our union made to depend on the ed. Sir, the amendment proposed by the gentle. admission of slavery jalo a territory not belonging man from New York, (Mr. Taylor) which probibits to the states when the constitution was adopted? slaves from being taken into the territory of the A territory purchased by congress, and for which Arkansaw, completely deprives the citizens of the congress are bound to legislate, with a faithful re: southern section of the union from any advantages gard to the public welfare. Are we to be terrified arising in the government, or from liaving either from doing our duty, by threats of disunion and dis part or lot, or any inheritance, on the west side of memberment? If the day ever arrive when the repre- the Mississippi. Sir, was it not purchased by the sentatives of one section of the country shall legis. whole United States? Did not the southern states late, in this ball under the the influence of threats contribute their full share for that purchase? And from another, it will be high time for a dissolution are they not morally and politically entitled to of the union. No, sir, said Mr. T. that honorable equal advantages of the soil? It is to be presum. gentleman greatly mistakes the people of this coun. ed that a great portion of the population of that try, if he suppose this union-cemented by so territory will be emigranis from the southern strong interests, necessary to all, and especially to states; they will be disposed to remove to that the slave holding states-consecrated by so much climate suited to their constitution and habits, or glorious achievement-sanctificd by the blood of the culture of rice and cotton. Shall they be proso many beroes-endeared by victories won with the scribed, and prohibited from taking their slaves? exertions and treasures of all that this union, the Sir, if so, your land will be an uncultivated wastepreservation of which is the first lesson of lisping a fruitless soil; it is further south than the 35th de. infancy, and the last prayer of expiring age-that grec of latitude, a low and warm country, and will this union can ever be destroyed or in the least im- not support a laboring while population. paired by promoting the cause of humanity and But, sir, I contend that we have no legitimate freedom in America. ilut, sir, said Mr. T. the ho: power to legislate on the property of the citizens, norable gentleman has mentioned a fact which only to levy taxes. We might, with the same shows how Virginia herself felt and acted on the right, prohibit other species of property from subject of slavery, in the convention of 1787. !tcrossing the Mississippi. Have not the southera? was, be informs us, a representative from Virginia states yielded to the eastern stales so much of who drew the ordinance cxcluding slavery from their favorite system of free white population, as the North West territory: Tbis, said Mr. T. was to give up and relinquish the new states of Ohio, a noble act-worthy to immortalize the name of Indiana, and Illinois, and all the vast territory nori ba Grayson. But alas! llis zeal for the rights of wan,' of the river Ohio? and shall the slave bolding states
be withheld from a small share of the prospective, a measure tending to the increase of such misery advantages arising in the settlement of this new and wretchednesss. territory? Gentlemen seem to think that they are The slaves already in the United States, as tho serving the cause of humanity effectively, in pro- laws now are, can only be increased by pro-creation. bibiting slaves to cross the Mississippi. In this The penalties against further importation, and the they are mistaken; they are withholding from them measures adopted to enforce them, are such that the means of all the comfort and happiness their we cannot reasonably fear that many, if any more, condition affords; that is, food and raiment. It is will be smuggled into the union. The permission well known that in the frontier
country the ser- of slavery in the territory of Arkansaw will afford vant feeds as his master, and is sufficiently clotlied, no additional facilities to the introduction of this while in the interior of the old siates the means of unfortunate race from abroad. The state of Lou. subsistence is scanty and improvident.
isiana, already established, lying principally west But, sir, the great and radical objection to the of the Mississippi, and on the banks of it, and ad. amendment proposed, is taking away from the peo. joining the gulf of Mexico, without being under ple of this territory the natural and constitutional any restriction, in this particulur, will be the place right of legislating for themselves, and imposing on in which slaves will be smuggled in, if smuggled them a condition which they may not willingly ac: at all. They could not be smuggled into Arkansaw cept. la organising a territorial government, and! till they had been conveyed 300 miles through forming a constitution, they, and they alone, have Louisiana. the right, and are the proper judges of that policy The natural increase will be the same, whether best adopted to their genius and interest, and it in one part of the union or the other; or, if it would ought to be exclusively left to them. If they wish be greater in the western country, it would be the to exclude slaves from being taken into their terri. consequence of an ameliorated condition, and there. tory, they can prohibit them by their own act. If fore not to be regretted, as the cause of humanity they think proper to admit the emigration of slaves, would thereby be promoted. This will be obvious they can say so. Let them be their own judges, to those who have had an opportunity of comparing and not force upon them a yoke they may not be the slavery on the Atlantic sexboard with that of willing to bear. Sir, the people of Arkansaw and the western country. On the seaboard, for from of the west are competent judges of their constilu 50 to 80 miles into the country, through the whole tional rights, and well know how to appreciate their of the southern states, the soil is sterile and there privileges as freemen; and be assured, the fur- it is that there is the greaiest proportion of slaves, ther from your metropolis, the grea'er the enthu. subjected to the most lamentable state of degrada. siasm for liberty. Slavery is an evil we bave long tion and misery. The produce is trifling and scanty: deplored but cannot cure; it was entailed on us by the market at the same time high. The slave is our ancestors; it was not our original sin, and we pinched and stinted, and allowed, in many incannot, in our present situation, release ourselves stances, but his peck of corn per week, for his whole from the embarrassment; and, as it is an evil, the subsistence. In the western country the produce more diffusive, the lighter it will be felt, and the is abundant, and the market poor: The slave is wider it is extended the more equal the propor there well fed, and happy. The greatest kindness tion of inconvenience. We know we felt yester, you can do a slave, is to tempt his master to remove day on the Missouri bill you have the power: you with him to the western country. The master will are the majority; but do not bear us down on this be beltered in his own condition at the same time, question. I trusi. thal gentlemen will exercise on and this also will increase bis liberality to his this vote a sprit of conciliation, and give the south-slaves. All travellers from the Atlantic to the ern states an inheritance among their brethern by west, are struck with the increased amelioration in suffering such of us as are disposed to become citi. their condition, as they progress. zens of the Arkansaw to take our slave property But, sir, there is another point of view in which with us.
Then your lands will be sold; your soil I would beg my friends look at this subject. In will be cultivated; and your country will Aourish the degree in which you increase the proportion
Mr. Whitman, nf Massachusells-- Mr. Srxamen: of the free beyond that of the slave population, I am iinpelled, by a sense of duty to myself, as well in the game ratio you increase the chance for as by a hope to be able to throw some light on this emancipation, final and total. To prove this we subject, to endeavor to exhibit the view which need only look at some of our sister states. The have taken of it. At this stage of the debate, the majority, consisting of non-slave holding indivibouse having become weary, cannot expect to duals, in those staies, has compelled the minority gain inuch attention; and, had any other gentleman zradually to let go their hold upon this species of exhibited the view which influences my mind, I property. New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, should have been silent. Without some explana. and Delaware, in this way, have nearly rid them. tion, the vote which I am about to give might seein selves of this reproach upon humanity. The best inconsistent with that which I gave in committee mode, therefore, to promote the cause of a final of the whole, and should have given in the house, emancipation, would be to suffer the slaves to be on a similar amendment proposed, in the case of scattered thinly over the western states. These the admission of Missouri is a state. I voted in states will be peopled, in much the largest prothat case against the admission of slavery into that portion, hy those who do not, and who are too poor staie. did slot so vole, however, in expec 'ition to hold slaves.' Il is the laboring class of the comthat it would diminish slavery in the United States. munity, and the industrious yeomanry of our counI do not view the sunject as necessarily involving cry, who will emigrate thither. The man of wealth, that question; and, if it be involved i:n ii, iihink it and those are principal slave-holders, will not recan be made manifest that the reasons are in favor move. Hence, the case in the westeru coun‘ry, as of its admission, rather than iis rejection, if we it respects the slaves, will be perfectly similar to would promote emancipation, and provide for the that which brought about emancipation in the states * amelioration of the condition of the slaves. No before mentioned. man would abhor more a contrary tendency than 1 In Missouri it is said that about one fifth of the sbould. I should shudder at the idea of adopting population are slaves. These were held it is said,
principally by the French and Spanish people, atitions that slavery slould not be tolerated, yer, noth.
These regulations are no novelty. They brave consideration, we should encourage the dispersion states. Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, have been subof the slaves now in the union, to the utmost of our jected to them. Besides the regulations proribit. power.
ing slávery, we have been in the constant habit of What, sir, would be the inevitable consequence requiring other stipulations of the newly admitted of cooping them up within certain limits? In such states. We have required that they should not case the poorer whites would emigrate; the slaves tax the lands of the United States, and the lands and slave-holders would remain. While the free sold by the United States, for five years after population would remain stationary, or diminish, the sale. Now, sir, the right to levy and collect the slaves would increase. The result of which taxes is an attribute of sovereignty wbich could would be, as it ever bas been, that the slave must no more be abridged, on the admission of a new be treated with more rigor; he must be kept state, than the power to admit slavery. If we ignorant, be humbled, and debased; for, sir, peo- can require stipulations for the one, we can for ple must and will consult their own safety. If the the other and our right heretofore has never slaves should become susficiently numerous to been doubted to do either. Should a state, after render it possible to regain their freedom, if they its admission, in contravention of the compact, as are not degraded to the character of brutes, they it may be called, proceed to tax United States will be tempted to combine, and destroy their op. lands, or lands sold by the United States. before pressors. In such cases the
white people dare not the expiration of the five years, the United States admit of the emancipation of slaves, lest it should could do nothing by way of inforcing it otherwise afford an opportunity to the emancipated, by means than by a resort to the tribunals of law for relief. of obstruction and observation, to become capable This, then, is the power which we have, and can of heading and exciting the slaves against their exercise whenever we deem it proper. In some masters. Hence, in some states emancipation has
cases we have exercised it in relation to the inhibibeen prohibited by law. The condition of a slave tion of slavery; and in others not. We have, I trust, in such cases is wretched, indeed.
exercised the power, in cases which have properly This, then sir, is not a question which ought to be decided under the apprehension that it will which it should have been omitted. It is, then, on
required it; and again bave omitted it in cases in increase the horrors of slavery. If it affects the the admission of a new state, a question, solely, question it is wholly the other way.
of expediency and policy. We are now to deterAs to the question, which has been agitated with mine whether we shall exercise this power in this so much zeal, relative to the power of the United States, on the admission of a new state, to cause a stipulation to be agreed to, preventing slavery or
We should consider that we have, by our com. requiring its gradual abolition, I can entertain no mon and joint funds, acquired a large tract of doubt. We certainly have this power. The ter. vacant territory west of the Mississippi: that it is ritories are under the absolute control of the Unit valuable loour country as furnishing a fertile region ed States. We have the power to admit them into for the citizens of our country to resort to for the the union as states or not. Before admitting them purpose of bettering their conditions, acquiring we may require any stipulation relative to their property, and providing for their children. The internal police or municipal regulations that we two great sections of the union, to wit, the slaveplease, as a condition on which we will agree to holding and the non-slave holding sections, have their admission. We could not require any thing, an equal right to its enjoyrient. By permitting I admit, repugnant to the fundamental articles of slavery in every part of it, the non-slave-holding the federal government-such as that they should portion will be deprived of it; if not entirely, not be represented in the senate and house of re. certainly in a very great degree. On the other presentatives of the United States, and have elec. hand, if the people of the south cannot carry their tors of president, &c. the same as the other states. slaves with them when they emigrate, the benefit Whatever any other state would be entitled to by will be equally lost to them. the express provisions of ihe federal constitutions We must, then, go on as we have begun; ad. we could not deny to a newly admitted state. Noth. mitting some states with, and some without, any ing will now prevent an agreement with any of the restriction. We have already admitted Louisiana, individual siates in the union as to any municipal lying principally west of the Mississippi, without regulation, deemed proper or necessary for the use any restriction, for the benefit of our southern of any portion of the citizens of the union-and brethren. We have now decided to admit Missouri, certainly the same may be stipulated for on the with the restiction, with a view, in some measure, admission of a new state, as a condition of its ad. I trust, to the benefit of our northern brethren. mission. Gentlemen have said thai, althougt we Wby may we not continue in the same way, admit. might compel them to stipulate in their constitu-! ting states off against the non-slave-holding states