privileges, and powers, that any other citizen of the United States had in his own state; otherwise dis. content and murmurings would prevail against the general government who had deprived him of this equality.

the United States, when, he doubted not, they would be convinced that these restrictions were only such as were in express and positive language defined in the latter instrument, and would have been equally binding on the people of Louisiana had they not have been enumerated in the law giving them authority to form a constitution for themselves.

gress could do, carried into effect the disposition of Virginia in reference to a part of her own original territory, and was, in every respect, more just, be cause that provision was made and published to the world at a time when but few, if any, settleFor example, if the citizens of Pennsylvania, or ments were formed within that tract of country; Virginia, enjoyed the right, in their own state, to and the children of those people of color belong decide the question whether they would have ing to the inhabitants then there have been, and slavery or not, the citizens of Missouri, to give still were, held in bondage, and were not free at them the same privileges, must have the same a given age, as was contemplated by the amend right to decide whether they would or would not ment under consideration, nor did he doubt but tolerate slavery in their state: if it were otherwise, that it was competent for any of those states adthen the citizens, of Pennsylvania, and Virginia mitted in pursuance of the ordinance of '87, to would have more rights, privileges, and powers call a convention, and so to alter their constitution in their respective states, than the citizens of as to allow the introduction of slaves, if they Missouri would have in theirs. Mr. S. said he thought proper to do so. To those gentlemen who would make another quotation from the same work had in their argument, in support of the amend. he had before been indebted to, which he believed ments, adverted to the instance where congress had considerable bearing on this question. "The had, by the law authorising the people of Louisiana powers delegated by the proposed constitution, to form a constitution and state government, exerto the federal government, are few, and defined; cised the power of imposing the terms and condi. those which are to remain in the state govern- tions on which they should be permitted to do so, ments, are numerous and indefinite; the former he would recommend a careful examination and ⚫ will be exercised principally on external objects, comparison of those terms with the constitution of as war, peace, negociation, and foreign commerce, with which last the powers of taxation will, for the most part, be connected. The powers reserv ed to the several states will extend to all the objects, which in the ordinary course of affairs concern the lives, liberties, and properties of the people, and the internal order, improvement and prosperity of the state." The applicability of this doctrine to the question under consideration was so obvious, that he would not detain the house to give examples, but leave it for gentlemen to make the application. He would, however, make one other reference to the constitution, before he proceeded to speak of the practice under it; in the second section of that instrument it was provided, that "representatives, and direct taxes, shall be apportioned among the several states which may be included within this union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to serivce for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three fifths of all other persons." This provision was not restricted This treaty having been made by the competent to the states then formed, and about to adopt the authority of government, ratified by the senate, constitution; but to all those states which might and emphatically sanctioned by congress in the acts be included within this union, clearly contemplat-making appropriations to carry it into effect, be ing the admission of new states thereafter, and came a part of the supreme law of the land, and providing, that to them also should this principle its bearings on the rights of the people had receiv. of representation and taxation equally apply. Nor could he subscribe to the construction, that as this part of the constitution was matter of compromise, it was to be limited in its application to the original states only, and not to be extended to all those states that might after its adoption become members of the federal union; and a practical exposi tion had been made by congress of this part of the constitution, in the admission of Kentucky, Louisiana, and Mississippi states, all of whom were slave holding states, and to each of them this principle had been extended.

Mr. S. believed, that the practice under the constitution had been different from that, now contended for by gentlemen: he was unapprised of any similar provision having ever been made, or attempted to be made, in relation to any other new state heretofore admitted. The argument drawn from the states formed out of the territory north west of the river Ohio, he did not consider as analogous; that restriction, if any, was imposed in pursitance of a compact, and only, so far as conSur. TO VOL XVI,

Mr. S. said, he considered the contemplated conditions and restrictions, contained in the proposed amendments, to be unconstitutional and unwarrantable, from the provisions of the treaty of cession, by the third article of which it was stipulated, that, "the inhabitants of the ceded ter ritory shall be incorporated in the union of the United States, and admitted, as soon as possible, according to the principles of the federal constitu tion, to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages, and immunities of citizens of the United States, and, in the mean time, they shall be maintained and protected, in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and the religion which they profess."

ed a practical exposition by the admission of the state of Louisiana, part of the same territory, and acquired by the same treaty of cession, into the union. It was in vain for gentlemen to tell him that, by the terms of the treaty of cession, he United States were not bound to admit any part of the ceded territory into the union as a state; the evidence of the obligation congress considered they were under, to adopt states formed out of that territory, is clearly deducible from the fact, that they had done so in the instance of Louisiana. But, had no state been admitted, formed of a part of the territory acquired by that treaty, the obligation of the government to do so would not be the less ap parent to him. "The inhabitants of the ceded ter ritory shall be incorporated in the union of the United States." The people were not lef to the wayward discretion of this, or any other govern. ment, by saying that they may be incorporated in the union. The language was different and imperative: "they shall be incorporated" Mr. Scott understood by the terin incorporated, that they were X

to form a constituent part of this republic; that be a directattack on the state independence. Was they were to become joint partners in the character it in the power of congress to annex the present and councils of the country, and in the national condition, Mr. Scott deemed it equally within the losses and national gains: as a territory they were scope of their authority to say, what color the not an essential part of the government; they were inhabitants of the proposed state should be, what a mere province, subject to the acts and regula description of property, other than slaves, those tions of the general government in all cases whatso- people should or should not possess, and the ever. As a territory they had not all the rights, quantity of property each man should retain, going advantages, and immun ties, of citizens of the Unit upon the Agrarian principle. He would even go ed States. Mr. S. himself furnished an example, further, and say, that congress had an equal power that, in their present condition, they had not all to enact to what religion the people should subthe rights of the other citizens of the union.-Had scribe; that none other should be professed, and to he a vote in this house? and yet these people were, provide for the ex-communication of all those who during the war, subject to certain taxes imposed did not submit. by congress. Had those people any voice to give The people of Missouri were, if admitted into in the imposition of taxes to which they were sub- the union, to come in on an equal footing with the ject, or in the disposition of the funds of the nation, original states. That the people of the other states and particularly those arising from the sales of the had the right to regulate their own internal police, public lands to which they already had, and still to prescribe the rules of their own conduct, and, would largely contribute? Had they a voice to in the formation of their constitutions, to say whe. give in selecting the officers of this government, ther slavery was or was not admissible, he believed or many of their own? In short, in what had they was a point conceded by all. How, then, were the equal rights, advantages, and immunities with the citizens of Missouri placed on an equal footing with other citizens of the United States, but in the the other members of the union? "Equal in some privilege to submit to a procrastination of their respects-a shameful discrimination in others. A rights, and in the advantage to subscribe to your discrimination not warranted by the constitution, laws, your rules, your taxes, and your powers, even nor justified by the treaty of cession, but founded without a hearing? Those people were also "to on mistaken zeal, or erroneous policy. They were be admitted into the union as soon as possible." to be bound down by onerous conditions, limita Mr. Scott would inter from this expression, that tions, and restrictions to which he knew they would it was the understanding of the parties, that so not submit. That people were brave and indesoon as any portion of the territory, of sufficient pendent in spirit, they were intelligent, and knew extent to form a state, should contain the number their own rights; they were competent to self-goof inhabitants required by law to entitle them to a vernment, and willing to risk their own happiness representative on the floor of this house, that they and future prosperity on the legitimate exercise then had the right to make the call for admission, of their own judgment and free will. Mr. Scott and this admission, when made, was to be, not on protested against such a guardianship as was cenconditions that gentlemen might deem expedient, templated now to be assumed over his constituents. not on conditions referable to future political The spirit of freedom burned in the bosoms of the views, not on conditions that the constitution the freemen of Missouri, and if admitted into the napeople should form should contain a clause that tional family, they would be equal, or not come in would particularly open the door for emigration at all. With what an anxious eye have they looked from the north or from the south, not on condition to the east, since the commencement of this session that the future population of the state should come of congress, for the good tidings, that on them from a slave-holding or non-slave holding state, but you had conferred the glorious privilege of self"but according to the principles of the federal constitu- government, and independence. What seeds of tion," and none other. The people of Missouri discord will you sow, when they read this suspici were, by solemn treaty stipulation, when admitted, ous, shameful, un-constitutional inhibition in their to enjoy all the rights, advantages, and immunities charter? Will they not compare it with the terms of citizens of the United States. Can any gentle-of the treaty of cession, that bill of their rights, man contend, that laboring under the proposed re-emphatically their magna charta? And will not striction, the citizens of Missouri would have all the result of that comparison be a stigma on the the rights, advantages, and immunities of other faith of this government? It had been admitted citizens of the union? Have not other new states, by some gentlemen, in debate, that, were the peoin their admission and have not all the states in ple of Missouri to form a constitution conforming the union, now, privileges and rights beyond what to this provision, so soon as they were adopted into was contemplated to be allowed to the citizens of the union it would be competent for them to call Missouri? Have not all other states in this go a convention and alter their constitution on this vernment the right to alter, modify, amend, and subject. Why, then, he would ask gentlemen, change their state constitutions, having regard would they legislate, when they could produce no alone to a republican form? And was there any permanent practical effect? Why expose the existing law, or any clause in the federal constitu- imbecility of the general government, to tie up tion, that prohibited a total change from a slave-the hands of the state, and induce the people to an holding to a non-slave-holding state, or from a non-act of chicanery, which he knew from principle slave-holding to a slave-holding state? Mr. Scott they abhorred, to get clear of an odious restriction thought, hat if this provision was proper, or with on their rights? Mr. Scott had trusted that genin the powers of congress, they also had the cor- tlemen who professed to be actuated by motives of relative right to say, that the people of Missouri humanity and principle would not encourage a should not be admitted as a state, unless they course of dissimulation, or, by any vote of theirs, provided, in the formation of their state constitu- render it necessary for the citizens of Missouri to tion, that slavery should be tolerated. Would not act equivocally to obtain their rights. He was unthose conscientious gentlemen starile at this, and willing to believe, that political views alone led excisim, what, impose on those people slaves, when gentlemen on this or any other occasion, but from hey do not want them! This would be said to the language of the member from Aga. Vathy (Mr.

Taylor,) he was compelled to suspect that they, the amendment. Were gentlemen aware of what had their influence upon him. That gentleman they were about to do? Did they foresee no evil has told us, that if ever he left his present residence, consequences likely to result out of the measure if it would be for Illinois or Missouri: at all events, adopted? Could they suppose that the southern he wished to send out his brothers and his sons. states would submit with patience to a measure, Mr. Scott begged that gentleman to relieve him the effect of which would be to exclude them from from the awful apprehension excited by the pros all enjoyment of the vast region purchased by the pect of this accession of population. He hoped the United States beyond the Mississippi, and which house would excuse him while he stated, that he belonged equally to them as to the northern states? did not desire that gentleman, his sons, or his bro- He ventured to assure them that they would not.— thers, in that land of brave, noble, and independent The people of the slave holding states, as they are freemen. The member says that the latitude is called, know their rights, and will invist upon the en too far north to admit of slavery there. Would joyment of them. He should not now attempt to the gentleman cast his eye on the map before him, go over ground already occupied by others, he would there see, that a part of Kentucky, Vir with much more ability, and attempt to shew that, ginia, and Maryland, were as far north as the north-by the treaty with France, the people of that terriern boundary of the proposed state of Missouri. tory were secured in the enjoyment of the properMr. Scott would thank the gentleman if he would ty which they held in their slaves. That the procondescend to tell him what precise line of latitude posed amendment was an infraction of this treaty, suited his conscience, his humanity, or his political had been most clearly shown. Nor would he atviews, on this subject. Could that member be tempt to rescue from slander the character of the serious when he made the parallel of latitude the people of the southern states, in their conduct tomeasure of his good will to those unfortunate wards, and treatment of their black population.blacks? Or was he trying how far he could go in That had also been done with a degree of force fallacious argument and absurdity, without creat-and eloquence, to which he could pretend no claim, ing one blush, even on his own cheek, for incon- by the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Barbour) and sistency? What, starve the negroes out, pen them the honorable speaker. He was, however, clearly up in the swamps and morasses, confine them to of opinion that congress possessed no power under the southern latitudes, to long scorching days of labor constitution to adopt the principle proposed in the and fatigue, until the race becomes extinct, that amendment. He called upon the advocates of it the fair land of Missouri may be tenanted by that to point out, and lay their finger upon that clause gentleman, his brothers, and his sons? He expected of the constitution of the United States, which from a majority of the house a more liberal policy, gives to this body the right to legislate upon the and better evidence that they really were actuated subject. Could they show in what clause or secby humane motives. tion this right was expressly given, or from which Mr S. said, he would trouble the house no it could be inferred? Unless this authority could longer; he thanked them for the attention and in be shown, congress would be assuming a power, if dulgence already bestowed; but he desired to ap- the amendment prevailed, not delegated to them, prise gentlemen, before he sat down, that they were and most dangerous in its exercise. What is the sowing the seeds of discord in this union, by at- end and tendency of the measure proposed? It is tempting to admit states with unequal privileges to impose on the state of Missouri conditions not and unequal rights; that they were signing, sealing imposed upon any other state. It is to deprive and delivering their own death warrant; that the her of one branch of sovereignty not surrendered weapon they were so unjustly wielding against the by any other state in the union, not even those people of Missouri, was a two-edged sword. From beyond the Ohio; for all of them had legislated up. the cumulative nature of power, the day might on this subject: all of them had decided for themcome when the general government might, in turn, selves whether slavery should be tolerated, at the undertake to dictate to them on questions of in-time they framed their several constitutions. He ternal policy, Missouri, now weak and feeble, would not now discuss the propriety of admitting whose fate and murmurs would excite but little slavery. It is not now a question whether it is po alarm or sensibility, might become an easy victim litic or impolitic to tolerate slavery in the United to motives of policy, party zeal, or mistaken ideas States, or in particular state. It was a discus. of power; but other times and other men would sion into which he would not permit himself to be succeed; a future congress might come, who under dragged. Admit, however, its moral impropriety: the sanctified forms of constitutional power, would yet there was a vast difference between moral im dictate to them odious conditions; nay, inflict on propriety and political sovereignty The people their internal independence a wound more deep and of New York or Pennsylvania may deem it highly dreadful than even this to Missouri. The house immoral and politically improper to permit slave: y. had seen the force of precedent, in the mistaken but yet they possess the sovereign right and power application of the conditions imposed on the peo-to permit it, if they choose. They can to morrow ple of Louisiana anterior to their admission into so alter their constitutions and laws as to admit it, the union. And, whatever might be the ultimate if they were so disposed. It is a branch of sovedetermination of the house, Mr. S. considered this reignty which the old thirteen states never surren question big with the fate of Cæsar and of Rome. der in the adoption of the Federal constitution. Now, Mr. COBB, of Georgia, observed, that he did not the bill proposes that the new state shall be admitted rise for the purpose of detaining the attention of upon an equal footing with the other states of the the house, for any length of time. He was too union. It is in this way only that she can be adsensible of the importance of each moment which mitted, under the constitution. These words can yet remained of the session to obtrude many re have no other meaning than that she shall be remarks upon their patience. But, upon a measurequired to surrender no more of her rights of soveinvolving the important consequences that this did, reigaty than the other other states, into a union he felt it to be an imperious duty to express his with which she is about to be admitted, have sursentiments, and to enter his most solemn protest rendered. But if the proposed amendment is against the principle proposed for adoption by adopted, will not this new state be shorn of one

branch of her sovereignty, one right, which the other states may and have exercised, (whether properly or not, is inmaterial,) and do now exercise whenever they think fit?

by subjecting half mankind to the will of the other half? Justice, sir, is blind to colors, and weighs in equal scales the rights of all men, whether white or black. Thirdly, to provide for the comMr. C. observed, that he did conceive the prin- mon defence, and secure the blessings of liberty.— ciple involved in the amendment pregnant with Does slavery add any thing to the common defence? danger. It was one he repeated, to which he believ- Sr, the strength of a republic is in the arm of free. ed the people of the region of country which he re-dom. But, above all things, do the blessings of presented would not quietly submit. He might per-liberty consist in slavery? If there is any sincerity haps subject himself to ridicule, for attempting in our profession, that slavery is an ill, tolerated the display of a spirit of prophecy which he did not only from necessity, let us not, while we feel that possess, or of zeal and enthusiasm for which he ill, shun the cure which consists only in an howas entitled to little credit. But he warned the advocates of this measure against the certain effects which it must produce. Effects destructive of the peace and harmony of the union. He believ ed that they were kindling a fire which all the way ters of the ocean could not extinguish. It could be extinguished only in blood!

nest avowal that liberty and equal rights are the end and aim of all our institutions, and that to tolerate slavery beyond the narrowest limits prescribed for it by the constitution, is a pervertion of them all.

sword against their masters, it will be to the free states the masters must resort for an efficient power to surpress servile insurrection. But we have made a treaty with France, which, we are told can only be preserved by the charms of slavery.

Slavery, sir, I repeat, is not established by our constitution; but a part of the states are indulged Mr. LIVERMORE said-I am in favor of the pro- in the commission of a sin from which they could posed amendment. The object of it is to prevent not at once be restrained, and which they would the extention of slavery over the territory ceded to not consent to abandon. But, sir, if we could, by the United States by France. It accords with the any process of reasoning, be brought to believe it dictates of reason, and the best feelings of the hu justifiable to hold others to involuntary servitude, man heart; and is not calculated to interrupt any policy forbids that we should increase it. Even legitimate right arising either from the constitu- the present slave holding states have an interest, tion or any other compact. I propose to show I think, in limiting the extent of involuntary serviwhat slavery is, and to mention a few of the many tude: for, should slaves become much more numeevils which follow in its train; and I hope to evince rous, and, conscious of their strength, draw the that we are not bound to tolerate the existence of so disgraceful a state of things beyond its present extent, and that it would be impolitic, and very unjust, to let it spread over the whole face of our western territory. Slavery in the United States, is the condition of man subjected to the will of a Sir, said Mr. L. until the ceded territory shall master, who can make any disposition of him short have been made into states, and the new states adof taking away his life. In those states where it is mitted into the union, we can do what we will with tolerated, laws are enacted, making penal to in- it. We can govern it as a province, or sell it to struct slaves in the art of reading, and they are not any other nation. A part of it is probably at this permitted to attend public worship, or to hear the time sold to Spain, and the inhabitants of it may gospel preached Thus the light of science and of soon not only enjoy the comforts of slavery, but religion is utterly excluded from the mind, that the the blessings of the holy inquisition along with body may be more easily bowed down to servitude. them. The question is on the admission of MisThe bodies of slaves may, with impunity, be pros-souri, as a state, into the union. Surely it will tituted to any purpose, and deformed in any man-not be contended that we are bound by the treaty ner by their owners. The sympathies of nature, in to admit it. The treaty-making power does not slaves, are disregarded; mothers and children are extend so far. Can the president and senate, by a sold and separated; the children wring their little treaty with Great Britain, make the province of hands, and expire in agonies of grief, while the Lower Canada a state of this union? To be receivheref mothers commit suicide, in despair. How ed as a state into this union, is a privilege which long will the desire of wealth render us blind to no country can claim as a right. It is a favor to the sin of holding both the bodies and souls of our be granted or not, as the United States may choose. fellow men in chains! But, sir, I am admonished When the United States think proper to grant a of the constitution, and told we cannot emancipate favor, they may annex just and reasonable terms; and slaves. I know we may not infringe that instru- what can be more reasonable than for these states to ment, and therefore do not propose to emancipate insist that a new territory, wishing to have the bene. slaves. The proposition before us goes only to pre-fits of freedom extended to it, should renounce a vent our citizens from making slaves of such as have a right to freedom. In the present slave hold ing states let slavery continue, for our boasted constitution connives at it; but do not for the sake of cotton and tobacco, let it be told to future ages that, while pretending to love liberty, we have pur chased an extensive country, to disgrace it with An opportunity is now presented, if not to dithe foulest reproach of nations. Our constitution minish, at least to prevent, the growth of a sin requires no such thing of us. The ends for which which sits heavy on the soul of every one of us.— that supreme law was made, are succinctly stated By embracing this opportunity, we may retrieve in its preface. They are first to form a more per the national character, and in some degree our fect union, and ensure domestic tranquility. Will own. But if we suffer it to pass unimproved, let slavery effect this? Can we, sir, oy mingling bond us at least be consistent, and declare that our conwith free, black spirits with white, like Shakes-stitution was made to impose slavery, and not to peare's witches in Macbeth, form a more perfect establish liberty. Let us no longer tell idle union, and ensure domestic tranquility? Secondly, tales about the gradual abolition of slavery: to establish justice. Is justice to be established away with colonization societies, if their design in

principle that militates with justice, morality, religion, and every essential right of mankind? Lov. isiana was admitted into the union on terms. The conditions, I admit, were not very important, but still they recognize the principles for which I can. tend.

Only to rid us of free blacks and turbulent slaves: (like an incubus upon all it energies, and from which have done also with bible societies, whose views it can never be relieved. are extended to Africa and the East Indies, while I regret, said Mr. T. the pertinacity with which they overlook the deplorable condition of their sa- gentlemen maintain their opposition. To my mind ble brethern within our own borders: make no more the amendment is both reasonable and necessary; laws to prohibit the importation of slaves, for the and, if the welfare of the territory were alone world must see that the object of such laws is alone consulted, I should entertain no doubt of its adoptto prevent the glutting of a prodigious market for tion by an almost unanimous vote. But other inthe flesh and blood of man, which we are about to terests are to be protected; and it is said that, as the establish in the west, and to enhance the price of country was purchased with our common fund, it sturdy wretches,reared like black cattle and horses, ought to enure to the common benefit. This, said for sale on our own plantations. Mr T. may be considered a truism; but, unfortu nately for the argument of the gentleman who adduced it, it has no application to the case before us. If it were proposed that the proceeds of the pub. lic lands in Arkansaw should be appropriated to the use of the commonwealth of Massachusetts, the objection would have weight. But, said Mr. T. nothing like it is contemplated. The money to arise from the sale of lands in that territory, as in all others, will go into the national treasury, and be expended on national objects.

The Arkansaw Bill.

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FER. 17. In committee of the whole on the bili to erect Arkansaw into a separate territorial government, Mr. Smith, of Md. in the chair. The amendment to prohibit the further introduction of slaves, and declaring their children, hereafter born in that ter ritory, to be free, being under consideration-

Mr. TAYLOR, of New York, in rising, said he re- The gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. Clay) has gretted being obliged to vote on this bill with so charged us, said Mr. T. with being under the influscanty information. The select committee which ence of negrophobia. Sir, he mistook his mark. I reported it, had laid on our table no statement of thank God that the disease mentioned by that facts-no census shewing the different kinds of popu gentleman, is unknown to my constituents; and it lation in the territory, nor even the aggregate of is because I wish to exclude it from Arkansaw, all descriptions. The situation and condition of that I have moved this amendment. But, sir, the cxisting settlements are as little known It, how excitement which this motion has produced, too ever, is generally understood that the climate and clearly shews that the negrophobia does unhappily" soil are suited to the culture of wheat, corn, cot prevail in another section of this country; that it ton, and tobacco. The delegate from Missouri now haunts its subjects in their dreams, and disturbs informs me that the number of inhabitants, ex- their waking hours. You, sir have lately seen its clusive of Indians, may be estimated at 20,000, influence on one bonorable gentleman, (Mr. Colof which one tenth are probably slaves. Mr. Tsto,) who considered the appearance of a black said he was unwilling to allow the introduction of face in the gallery, pending yesterday's discussion, any more slaves: it could not be necessary for agri- of sufficient importance to justify a grave address cultural purposes. All the productions before men-to the committee, and an animated philippic upon tioned, could be brought to perfection, and raise the impropriety of this debate. To such gentlein abundance, by freemen Cotton and tobacco, men it may be "a delicate subject," but to me I for exportation, had been chiefly produced by the confess it is not In my estimation, said Mr. T. the slave-holding states. But, is it not reasonable, ask-delicacy of the subject is lost, and ought to be fored Mr. T. that at least one small portion of our gotten in its immense importance. "A delicate country, capable of growing these staples, should subject!" in which is involved the security and hap be left open to the enterprize and industry of the piness of unborn millions; a subject too delicate north and east. He saw no good reason why that for discussion! because our debate may be overportion of the union which he had the honor, in heard by a negro in the gallery. Sir, it is a subject part, to represent, should be excluded from parti vastly important to my children and the children cipating in this valuable species of agriculture-of my constituents, who shall hereafter emigrate That such would be the effect of allowing a free to Arkansaw; and, while I have the honor of a seat introduction of slaves, he had fully demonstrated on this floor, I will discuss it freely whenever to the committee when the bill for the admission of public duty, in my judgment, requires it. Missouri into the union was under consideration.- The honorable speaker, said Mr. Taylor, has askMr. T. said it must be evident from the present ed if we wish to coop up our brethern of the slave ratio of population, as stated by the delegate from holding states, and prevent the extension of their Missouri, that the labor of the territory was now population and wealth. Mr. Chairman, cast your performed chiefly by freemen. He hoped this state eye on that map; survey the immense and fertile of things might not only continue, but improve.-regions which stretch from the Sabine to Georgia; He, therefore, could not consent to render labor count, if you can, the millions of rich acres in Lou. disgraceful-to connect it, in public sentiment, isiana, Mississippi and Alabama, lying uncultivat with servility, and thereby degrade the conditioned and waste. If gentlemen wish to disperse their of laboring men. slaves, here is an abundant opening. In all these The gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. Clay,) has states, new as they are, slavery has already planted asked, said Mr. T. what the people of the south its roots too deer, I fear, to be ever eradicated.have done, that they are to be proscribed, and had With this opening I hope gentlemen will be con. expressed his deep regret at the introduction of tent. Let them not carry the pestilence beyond this amendment. We, sir, said Mr. T. do not pro- the Mississippi, into a country where its existence scribe them: we leave them in the full enjoyment as yet, is but little known. Let them agree to the of all their rights: we only forbid them to practice amendment, and every vestige of slavery will soon wrongs: we invite them to the territory in question, disappear from the territory in question. but we forbid their bringing into it a population A gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Tyler) has adwhich cannot but prove its misfortune and curse; ded his lamentations on the existence of slavery in a population which, if once introduced, will fasten! this country to those of his colleagues who preced