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arguments; I have made no pretence to esclusive Sir, there is yet another, and an important point morality on this subject, either for myself or my of view, in which this subject ought to be conconstituents; nor have I cast any imputations on sidered. We have been told by those who advoothers. On the contrary, I hold that mankind un-cate the extension of slavery into the Missouri, der like circumstances are alike, the world over. that any atiempt to control this subject by legisla. The vicious and unprincipled are confined to notion, is a violation of that faith and mutual confi. district of country; and it is for this portion of the dence upon which our union was formed and our community we are bound to legislate When constitution adopted. This argument might be con. honorable gen:lemen inform us, we overate the sidered plausible, if the restriction was attempted cruelty and the dangers of slavery, and tell us that to be enforced against any of the slave-holding their slaves are bappy, and contented, and would states, which had been a party in the adoption of even contribute to their safety, they tell us but the constitution. But it can have no reference or very little; they do not tell us, that, while their application to a new district of country recently slaves are happy, the slaves of some depraved and acquired, and never contemplated in the formation cruel wretch, in their neighborhood, may not be of government, and not embraced in the mutual stimolated to revenge, and thus involve the coun- concessions and declared faith upon which the contry in ruin. If we had to legislate only for such stitution was adopted. The constitusion provides, gentlemen as are now embraced within my view, that the representatives of the several states to a law against robbing the mail would be a disgrace this house shall be according to their number, upon the nation; and as useless; I would tear it including three-fifths of the slaves in the respective from the pages of your statute book; yet said ex. states. This is an important benefit yielded to the perience has taught us the necessity of such laws slave holding states, as one of the mutual sacrifices -and honor, justice, and policy, teach us the wis. for the union. On this subject, I consider the faiiki dom of legislating to limit the extension of slavery. of the union pledged, and I never would attempt

In the zeal to draw sectional contrasts, we have coercive manumission in a slave holding state. been told by one gentleman, that gentlemen from

But none of the causes which induced the sacri. one district of country talk of their morality, while face of this principle, and which now produce such those of another practice it. And the superior

an unequal representation on this foor, of the free liberality has been asserted of southern gentle population of the country, exist as between us and men over those of the north, in all contributions the newly acquired territory across the Mississippi. to moral institutions, for bible and missionary That portion of country has no claims to such an societies. Sir, I understand 100 well the pursuit unequal representation, unjust in its results upon of my purpose, to be decoyed and drawn off, into the other states. Are the numerous slaves in the discussion of a collateral subject. I have no extensive countries, which we may acquire by inclination to controvert these assertions of cora parative liberality. Although t have no idea they once to be represented on this floor, under a clause

purchase, and admit as states into the union, at are founded in fact, yet because it better suits the of the constitution, granted as a compromise and object of my present argument, I will, on this oc. a benefit to the southern states which had borne casion, admit them to the fuilest extent. And

part in the revolution ? Such an extension of that what is the resuli? Southern gentlemen, by their clause in the constitution would be unjust in its superior liberality in contributions to moral institu! tions, justly stand in the first rank, and bold the of its original intention. Abstract from the moral

operations, unequal in its results, and a violation first place in the brightest page of the history of effects of slavery, its political consequence in the our country. But, turn over this page, and what representation under this clause of the constitudo you behold? You behold them contributing to tion, demonstrate the importance of the proposed teach the doctrines of Ciristianity in every quirler amendment. of the globe. You behold them legislating, lo secure the ignorance and stupidity of their own

Sir, I shall bow in silence to the will of the maslaves! You behold them prescribing, by law, jority, on which ever side it shall be expressed: penalties against the man that dares teach a negro yet I confidently hope that majority will be found to read. Such is the statuie law of the siate of on the side of an amendment, so replete with moral Virginia. [Mr. Bassett and Mr. Tyler said that consequences, so pregnant with important political there was no such law in Virginia.]

results. No, said Mr. T. I have mis-spoken myself; } Mr. Scott, of Missouri, said, he trusted that his ought to have said such is the statute law of the conduct, during the whole of the time in which siate of Georgia. Yes, while we hear of a liberalisy he had the honor of a seat in the house, had conwhich civilizes the savages of all countries, and vinced gentlemen of his disposition not to obtrude carries the gospel alike to the Hottentot and the his sentiments on any other subjects than those in Hindo, it has been reserved for the republican state which the interest of his constituents, and of the of Georgia, not content with the care of its over territory be represented, were immediately conseers, to legislate to secure the oppression and the cerned. But when a questior, such as the amendignorance of their slaves. The man who there ments proposed by the gentlemen from New York, teaches a negro to read, is liable to a criminal (Messrs. Tallmadge and Taylor,) was presented prosecution. The dark benighted beings of all for consideration, involving constitutional princicreation profit by our liberality-save those of our ples to a vast amount, pregnant with the future own plantations. Where is the missionary who pos- fate of the territory, poriending destruction to the sesses sufficient hardihood to venture a residence liberties of that people, directly bearing on their to teach the slaves of a planiation ? Here is the righes of property, their stare rights, their all, he stain! Here is the stigioa! which fastens upon should consider it as a dereliction of his duty, as the character of our country; and which in the retreating from his post, nay, double criminality, appr .priate language of the gentleman from Geor. did he not raise his voice against their adoption. gia, (Mr. Cobb,) all the waters of the ocean cannot After the many able and luminous views that had wash out; which seus of blood can only take away. been taken of this subject, by the speaker of the

house and other honorable gentlemen, he had not be substantially maintained. But this authority the vanity to suppose that any additional views “ extends no further than to a guarantee of a rewhich he could offer, or any new dress in wbich publican form of government, which spposes : he could clothe those already advanced, would have pre-existing government of the form which is to the happy tendency of inducing any gentleman to "be guaranteed. As long, therefore, as the exist. change his vote. But, if he stood single on the "ing republican forms are continued by the states, question, and there was no man to help him, yet, they are guaranteed by the federal constitution. while the laws of the land and the rules of the " Whenever the states may choose to substitute house guaranteed 10 him the privilege of speech, "other republican forms, they have a right to do he would redeem his conscience from the imputa 'so, and to claim the federal guarantee for the tion of baving silently witnessed a violation of the latter. The only restriction imposed on them is, constitution of his country, and an infringement on that they sball not exchange republican for artithe liberties of the people who had entrusted to republican constitutions; a restriction which, it his feeble abilities the advocation of their rights." is presumed, will hardly be considered as a griev. He desired, at this early stage of his remarks, in "ance." the name of the citizens of Missouri territory, Mr. S. thought that those two clauses, when syp. whose rights on other subjects had been too long por:ed by such high authority, had they been the neglected and shamefully disregarded, to enter his only ones in the constitution which related to the solemn protest against the introduction, under the powers of the general government over the states, insidious form of amendment, of any principle in and particularly at their formation and adoption this bill, the obvious tendency of which would be to into the union, could not but be deemed satisfactory sow the seeds of discord in, and perhaps eventually to a reasonable extent; but there were other pro. endanger the union.

visions in the constitution, to which he would refer, Mr. s. entertained the opinion, that, under the that beyond all doubt, to his mind, settled the ques. constitution, congress had not the power to imposetion. One of those was the tenth article in the this, or any other restriction, or to require of the amendments, which said that "the powers not people of 'Missouri their assent to this condition, delegated to the United States by the constituas a prerequisite to their admission into the union." tion, nor prohibited by it to the states, are reserv. Jle contended this from the language of the con "ed to the states respectively or to the people." stitution itself; from the practice in the admission He believed that, by common law, and common of new states under that instrument; and from the usage, all grants giving certain defined and specific express terms of the treaty of cession. The short priviliges, or powers, were to be so construed as view he intended to take of those points would, he hat no others should be intended to be given but trusted, be satisfactory to all those who were not such as were particularly enumerated in the instruso anxious to usurp power as to sacrifice to its ments themselves, or indispensably necessary to attainment the principles of our government, or carry into effect those designated." In no part of who were not desirous of prostrating the rights the constitution was the power proposed to be and independence of a state to chimerical views of exercised, of imposing conditions on a new state, policy or expediency. The authority to admit new given, either in so many words, or by any justifiable states into the union was granted in the third or fair inference; nor in any portion of the constitu. section of the fourth article of the constitution, tion was the right prohibited 10 the respective which declared that "new states may be admitted states, to regulate their own internal police, of by the congress into the union” The only power admitting such citizens as they pleased, or of ingiven to the congress by this section appeared to troducing any description of property, that they him to be, that of passing a law for the admission should consider as essential or necessary to their of the new state, leaving it in possession of all the prosperity; and the framers of that instrument rights, privileges, and immunities, enjoyed by the seem to have been zealous lest, by implication or other states; the most valuable and prominent of by inference, powers might be assumed by the gewbich was that of forming and modifying their own neral government over the states and people, other staie constitution, and over which congress bad no than those expressly given: hence they reserve in superintending control, other than that expressly so many terms to the states, and the people, all given in the fourth section of the same article, powers not delegated to the federal government. which read, "the United States shall guarantee to The ninth article of the amendments to the conevery state in this union a republicar form of go.stitution still further illustrated the position he vernment." This end accomplished, the guardian had taken; it read, that "the enumeration in the ship of the United States over the constitutions of constilution of certain rights shall not be conthe several states was fulfilled; and all restrictions, strued to deny or disparage others retained by limitations, and conditions, beyond this, was so " the people." Mr. S. believed it to be a just rule much power unwarrantably assumed. In illustra- of interpretation, that the enumeration of powers tion of this position, he would read an extract from delegated to congress weakened their authority in one of the essays written, by the late president ail cases not enumerated; and that beyond tbose Madison, contemporaneously with the constitution powers enumerated they bad none, except they of the United States, and from a very celebrated were essentially necessary to carry into effect those work: "In a confederacy founded on republican that were given. The second section of the fourth "principles, and composed of republican members, article of the constitution, which declared that " the superintending government ought clearly to the citizens of each state shall be entitled to all

possess authority to defend the system against " the privilges and immuni'ies of citizens in the " aristocratic or monarchical innovations. The several states," was satisfactory, to his judge “more intimate ti« na ure of such an union may ment, that i was intended the citizens of each “be, the greater interesi have the merubers in the state, forming a part of one harmonious whole, "political institit:ong of each other, and the grea- should have, in all things, equal privleges; the "ter right to insistiet the forms of government, necessary coi:sequences of which was, iba'. every “under which the compact was entered into, should man, in his own state, should have the same rights,

privileges, and powers, that any other citizen of the gress could do, carried into effect the disposition United States had in his own state; otherwise dis. of Virginia in reference to a part of her own original content and murmurings would prevail against the territory, and wag, in every respect, more just, be. general government who had deprived him of this cause that provision was made and published to equality:

the world si a time when but few', if any, settle. For example, if the citizens of Pennsylvania, or ments were formed within that tract of country; Virginia, enjoyed the right, in their own state, to and the children of those people of color belong decide the question whether they would have ing to the inhabitants then tliere have been, and slavery or not, the citizens of Missouri, to give still were, held in bondage, and were noi free at them the same privileges, must have the same a given age, as was contemplated by the amenilo right to decide whether they would or would not ment under consideration, nor did he doubt bilt tolerate slavery in their state: if it were otherwise, that it was competent for any of those states ad. then the citizens of Pennsylvania, and Virginia mitted in pursuance of the ordinance of '87, 10 would have more rights, privileges, and powers call a convention, and so to alter their constitution in their respective states, than the citizens of as to allow the introduction of slaves, if they Missouri would bave in theirs. Mr. S. said he thought proper to do 90. To those gentlemen who would make another quotation from the same work had in their argument, in support of the amend. he had before been indebted to, which he believed ments, adverted to the instance where congress had considerable bearing on this question. "The bad, by the law authorising the people of Louisiana

powers delegated by the proposed constitution, to form a constitution and state government, exer. "to the federal government, are few, and defined; cised the power of imposing the terms and condi. those which are to remain in the state govern- tions on which they should be permitted to do so, menis, are numerous and indefinite; the former he would recommend a careful eximination ani will be exercised principally on external objects, comparison of those terms with the constitution of as war, peace, negociation, and foreign commerce, the United States, when, he doubted not, they • with which last the powers of taxation will, for would be convinced that these restriccions were the most part, be connected. The powers reserv. only such as were in express and positive language ed to the several states will extend to all the ob. defined in the latter instrument, and would have *jects, which in the ordinary course of affairs con- been equally binding on the people of Louisiana cern the lives, liberties, and properties of the peo. had they not have been enumerated in the liv ple, and the internal order, improvement and giving them authority to form a constitution for prosperity of the state." The applicability of this themselves. doctrine to the question under consideration was Mr. S. said, he considered the contemplated so obvious, that he would not detain the house to conditions and restrictions, contained in the pro. give examples, but leave it for gentlemen to make posed amendments, to be unconstitutional and unthe application. He would, however, make one warraotable, from the provisions of the treaty of other reference to the constitution, before he procession, by the third article of which it was ceeded to speak of the practice under it; in the stipulated, thal, "ibe inhabitants of the ceded ter. second section of that instrumeni it was provided, ritory shall be incorporated in the union of the that "representatives, and direct taxes, shall be United States, and admitted, as soon as possible, apportioned among the several states which may according to the principles of the federal constituie be included within this univn, according to their tion, to the enjoyment of all the rights, adyantages, respective numbers, which shall be deterinined by and immunities of citizens of the U..ited Siates, adding to the whole number of free persons, includ. and, in the mean time, they shall be maintained and ing those bound to serivce for a term of years, and proiected, in the free enjoyment of their liberiy, excluding Indians not taxed, three fifils of all property, and the religion which they profess.” other persons.” This provision was not restricted This treaty having been made by the compcien: to the states then formed, and about to adopt the authority of government, ratified by the senate, constitution; but to all those states which might and emphatically sanctioned by congress in the acts be included within this union, clearly contemplat-making appropriations to carry ii into effect, be. ing the admission of new states thereafter, and came a part of the supreme law of the land, and providing, that to them also should this principle is bearings on the rights of the people had receiv. of representation and taxation equally apply. Nored a practical exposition by the avi mission of the could be subscribe to the construction, that as this state of Louisiani, part of the same territory, a:d part of the constitution was matter of compromise, acquired ly the same treaty of cession, into the it was to be limited in its application to the original union. It was in vain for gentleinen to tell him states only, and not to be extended to all those that, by the terms of the irealy of cessinn, he states that might after its adoption become mem. United States were nut bound to admit any part bers of the federal union; and a practical exposi of the ceded territory into the union as a siate; the tion had been made by congress of this part of the evidence of the obligation congress considered constitution, in the admission of Kentucky, Lou- they were under, to adopt states formed out of that isiana, and Mississippi stalęs, all of whom were territory, is clearly deducible from the fact, that slave holding states, and to each of ibem this prin. they had done so in the instance of Louisiana. Bilt, ciple had been extended.

had no state been admilied, formed of a part of the Mr. S. believed, that the practice under the territory acquired by that ireaty, the obligation of constitution had been different from that, now the government to do so would not be the less ap. contended for by gentlemen: he was unapprised of parent to him. “The inhabilants of the cedel tera any similar provision baving ever been made, or ritory shall be incorporated in the union of the attempted to be made, in relation to any other new United States.” The people were not lef: to the slate heretofore admitted. The argument drawo wayward discretion of thisi

, or any o her governfroid the states formed out of the territory north ment, by saying thit they may be incorporated in West of the river Oaio, be did not cousider as the union. The language was Jifferent and imanalogous; that restriction, if any, was iniposed in peritive: "they shu'l be incorporated". Mr. Scho pursuance of a compact, wodoniy, so fur as con.l understood by the terin incorporated, that they were Sur. To Vor, XVI,

X

ever.

to form a constituent port of this republic; that be a directattack on the state independence. Was they were to become joint periners in the character it in the power of congress to annex the present and councils of the country, and in the national condition, Mr. Scott deemed it equally within the Josses and national gains: as a territory they were scope of their authority to say, what color the rol an essential part of the government; they were inhabitants of the proposed state should be, what a mere province, subject to the acts and regula description of property, other than slaves, those tious crihe general government in all cases whatso-people should or should not possess, and the

As a territory they had not all the rights, quantity of properly each man should retain, going adruntuges, an innun ties, of citizens of the Unir. upon the Agrarian principle. He would even go ed States. Mr. S. himself furnisbed an example, further, and say, that congress had an equal power that, in their present condition, they had not all to enact to what religion the people should subthe rights of ul.e other citizens of the union.-Had scribe; that none other should be professed, and to be a role in this lionse ? and yet these people were, provide for the ex-communication of all those who during the war, subject to cerlain tases imposed did not submit. by congress. Flad those people any voice to give The people of Missouri were, if admitted into in the irriposition of taxes to which they were sub. the union, to come in on an equal footing with the ject, or in the disposition of the funds of the nation, original states. That the people of the other states and particularly those arising from the sales of the had the right to regulate their own internal police, public lands to which wey already bad, and still to prescribe the rules of their own conduct, and, would largely contributi? Had they a voice 10 in the formation of their constitutions, to say wbegive in selecting the officers of this government, ther slavery was or was not admissible, he believed or many of their own? In short, in what had they was a point conceded by all. How, then, were the equal righis, advantages, and immunities with the citizens of Missouri placed on an equal footing with other citizens of the United States, but in the the other members of the union? Equal in some privilege to submit to a procrastination of their respects—a shameful discrimination in others. A rights, and in the advantage to subscribe to your discrimination not warranted by the constitution, laws, your rules, your taxes, and your powers, even nor justified by the treaty of cession, but founded without a hearing? Those people were also "tolon mistaken zeal, or erroneous policy. They were be admitted into the union as soon as possible." to be bound down by onerous conditions, limita. Mr. Scott would inter from this expression, that tions, and restrictions to which he knew they would it was the understanding of the parties, that so not submit. That people were brave and indesoon as any portion of the territory, of sufficient pendent in spirit, they were intelligent, and knew extent to form a state, should contain the number their own rights; they were competent to self-goof inbabitants required by law to entitle them to a vernment, and willing to risk their own happiness representative on the floor of this house, that they and future prosperity on the legitimate exercise then had the right to make the call for admission, of their own judgment and free will. Mr. Scott and this admission, when made, was to be, not on protested against such a guardianship as Was cen. conditions that gentlemen might deem expedient, templated now to be assumed over his constituents. not on conditions referable to future political The spirit of freedom burned in the bosoms of the views, not on conditions that the constitution the freemen uf Missouri, and if admitted into the dr. people should form should contain a clause that tional family, they would be equal, or not come in would particularly open the door for emigration at all. With what an anxious eye have they looked from the north or from the south, not on condition to :he east, since the commencement of this session that the future population of the state should come of congress, for the good tidings, that on them from a slave-holding or non-slave holding state, but you had conferred the glorious privilege of self. “but according to the principles of the federal constitu- government, and independence. What seeds of tion,” and none other. The people of Missouri discord will you sow, when they read this suspici. were, by solemn treaty stipulation, when admitted, ous, shameful, un-constitutional inbibition in their to enjoy all the rights, advantages, and immunities charter? Will they not compare it with the terms of citizens of the United States. Can any gentle of the treaty of cession, tbai bill of their rights, man contend, that laboring under the proposed re-emphatically their magna charta? And will not striction, the citizens of Missouri would have all the result of that comparison be a stigma on the the righis, advantages, and immunities of other faith of this government? It bad been admitted citizens of the union? Have not other new states, by some genilemen, in debate, that, were the peo. in their admission and have not all the states in ple of Missouri to form a constitution conforming the union, now, privileges and rights beyond what to this provision, so soon as they were adopted into was contemplated to be allowed to the citizens of the union it would be competent for them to call Missouri ? Have not all other states in this go a convention and alter their constitution on this vernment the right to alter, modify, amend, and subject. Why, then, he would ask gentlemen, change their state constitutions, having regard would they legislate, when they ceuld produce no alone to a republican form? And was there any permanent practical effect ! Why expose the existing law, or any clause in the federal constitu- imbecility of the general government, to tie up tion, that prohibited a total change from a slave. the hands of the state, and induce the people to an holding to a non-slave-holding state, or from a non. act of chicanery, which he knew from principle slave holding to a slave-holding state? Mr. Scotifthey abhorred, :o get clear of an odious resiriction thought, hat if this provision was proper, or with on their rights? Mr. Scott had crusted that genin the powers of congress, they also had the cor- tlemen wlio professed to be actuated by molives of relative right to say, that the people of Missouri humanity and principle would not encourage a should not be admited as a staie, unless they course of dissimulation, or, by any vote of theirs, provided, in the formation of their state consti!u- render it necessary for the citizens of Missouri to tion, that slavery should be tolerated. Would not act equivocally to obtain their rights. He was un. those conscientious gentlemen starile at this, and willing to believe, that politic views alone led excluim, what, impose on those people slaves, whien gentlemen on this or any other occasione but from Lay do not want them! This would be said to the language of the member frimiselsk, (Mr.

l'aylor,) he was compelled to suspect that they, the amendmeni. Were gentlemen aware of wbat had their influence upon him. That gentleman they were about to do? Did they foresee no evil has told us, that if ever he left his present residence, consequences likely to result out of the measure if it would be for Illinois or Missouri: at all events, adoptrd? Could they suppose that the southern he wished to send out his brothers and his sons. states would submit with patience to a measure, Mr. Scott begged that gentleman to relieve him ine effect of which would be to exclude them fron from the awful apprehension excited by the pros all enjoyment of the vast region purchased by the pect of this accession of population. He hoped the United Sates beyond the Mississippi, and which house would excuse him while he staied, that he iselonged cqilally to them as to the northern staies? did not desire that gentleman, his sons, or his bro. He ventured to assure them that they would not.thers, in that land of brave, noble, and independent The people of the slave holling stales, as they are freemen. The member says that the latitude is called, know their rights, and will invist upon the entoo far north to admit of slavery there. Would joyment of them. He should .ot now attempt to the gentleman cast his eye on the map before him, go over ground already occupied by others, he would there see, that a part of Kentucky, Vir with much more ability, and attempt to shew that, ginia, and Maryland, were as far north as the north by the treaty with France, the people of that terriern boundary of the proposed state of Missouri. tory were secured in the enjoyment of the proper. Mr. Scott would thank the gentleman if he would ty which they held in their slaves. That the pro. condescend to tell him wbat precise line of latitude posed amendment was an infruction of this treaty, suited his conscience, his humanity, or his political had been most clearly shown. Nor would he atviews, on this subject. Could that member be tempt to rescue from slander the character of the serious when he made the parallel of latitude the people of the southern states, in their conduct to. measure of his good will to those unfortunate wards, and treatment of their black population.blacks? Or was he trying how far he could go in That had also been done with a degree of force fullacious argument and absurdity, without creat- and eloquence, to which he could pretend no claim, ing one blush, even on his own cheek, for incon- by the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Burbour) and sistency? What, starve the negroes out, pen them the bonorable speaker. He was, however, clearly up in the swamps and morasses, confine them to of opinion that congress possessed no power under the southern latitudes, to long scorching days of labor constitution to adopt the principle proposed in the and fatigue, until the race becomes extinct, that amendment. He called lipon tlie advocates of it the fair land of Missouri may be tenanted by that to point out, and lay their fiiger upon that clause gentleman, his brothers, and his sons? He expected of the constitution of the United States, which from a majority of the house a more liberal policy, gives to this body the right to legislale upon the and better evidence that they really were actualed subjectCould isey show in what clause

' cr secby humane motives.

tion this right was erpressly given, or from which Mr S. said, he would trouble the house no it could be interred? Unless this authority could Jonger; he thanked thein for the attention and in be shown, congress would be assuming a power, if dulgence already bestowed; but he desired to ap- the amendment prevailed, not delegated to them, prise gentlemen, before he sat down, that they were and most dang rous in its exercise. What is the sowing the seeds of discord in this union, by at. end and tendency of the measure proposed? It is tempting to admit states with unequal privileges to impose on the state of Missouri conditions not and unequal rights; that they were signing, sealing imposed upon any other stale. Il is to deprive and delivering their own death warrant; that the ber of one branch of sovereignty not surrendered weapon they were so unjustly wielding against the by any other sta:e in the union, not even those people of Missouri, was a two-edged sword. From beyond the Olsio; for all of them had legislated up. the cumulative nature of power, the day might on this subject: all of them had decided for them. come when the general government might, in turn, selves whether slavery should be toleraied, at the undertake to dictate to them on questions of intime they framed their several constirutions. He ternal policy; Missouri, now weak and feeble, would not now discuss the propriety of admitiing whose fate and murmurs would excite but litile slavery. It is not now a question whether it is po. alarm or sensibility, might become an easy victim litic or impolitic to tolerate slivery in the United to motives of policy, party zeal, or raistaken ideas States, or in a particular siale. It was discus. of power; but other times and other men would sion into which he would not permit himself to be succeed; a future congress might come, who under dragged. Admit, however, its moral impropriety: the sanctified forms of constitutional power, would yet there was a vast difference between moral ini. dictate to them odious conditions; nay, inflict on propriety and political suvereignty, their internal independence a wound more deep and of New York or Pennsylvania may deem it highly dreadful than even this to Missouri. The house immoral and politically improper lo permit slave: y. had seen the force of precedent, in the mistaken but yet they possess the sovereign right and power application of the conditions imposed on the peo- to permi: il, if they choose. They can to morrow ple of Louisiana anterior to their admission into so alter their constitutions and laws as 10 admit it, ihe union. And, whatever might be the ultimate if they were so disposed. It is a branch of sove. determination of the house, Mr S. considerer this reigniy which the old thirteen states never surren. question big with the fate of Cæsar and of Rome. der in the adoption of the Federal constitution. Now,

Mr. Cobi, of Georgia, observed, that he did noi the bill proposes that the new state shall be admitted rise for the purpose of detaining the attention of upon an equal footing with the other states of the the house, for any length of time. He was tro union. Ii is in this way only that she can be ad. sensible of the importance of each moment which mitted, under the constitution. These words can yet remained of the session to obtrude many re have no other meaning than that she shall be remarks upon their patience. But, upon a measure quired to surrender no more of her rights of sove. involving the important consequences that this did, reignty than the other other states, into a union he felt it to be an imperious duty to express his with which she is about to be admitted, have sur. sentiments, and to enter bis most solema protest rendered. But if the proposed amendment is against the principle proposed for adoption by adopted, will not this new state be thorn of one

The people

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