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lished for the whole and for each individual state.certain, that the representatives of the people can The predominant principle, in both respects, is, that never lose sight of it; and consequently an abuse ALL MEN are ?nex, and have an BQUAL NIGHT TO LI of their powers, to any considerable extent, can BERTY, and all other privileges; or, in other words, never be apprehended. The same reasoning ap: the predominant principle is HEPUBLICANISM, in its plies to the exercise of all the powers entrusted largest sense. But, then, the same compact con. to congress, and the admission of new states into tains certain exceptions. The states then holding the union is in no respect an exceprion. slaves are permitteil, from the necessity of the ease, One gentleman, however, has contended against and for the sake of union, to exclude the republican the amendment, because it abridges the rights of principle so far, and only so far, as to retain their the slave holding states to transport their slaves to slaves in servitude, and also their progeny, as bad the new states for sale or otherwise. This argubeen the usage, until they should think it proper ment is attempted to be enforced in various waya, or safe to conform to the pure principle by abolish. and particularly by the clause in the constitution ing slavery. The compact contains on its face the last cited. It admits, however, of a very clear general principle and ihe erceptions. But the at. answer, by recurring to the 9th section of article temp' to extend slavery to the new states, is in 1st, which provides, that "the migration or importadirect violation of the clause, which guarantees a 'tion of such persons as any of the states then republican form of governm«nt to all the states. • existing shall admit, sball not be probibited by This clause, indeed, must be construed in connec congress till 1808." This clearly implies, that the tion with the exceptions before mentioned; but i migration and importation may be prolibited ofter cannot, without violence, be applied to any oiber that year. The importation has been prohibited, states iban those in which slavery was allowed at but the migration has not hitherto been restrained; the formation of the constitution.

congress, however, may restrain it when it may be The honorable speaker cites the first clause in judged expedient. It is indeed contended by some the 2d section of the 4th article-"The citizens of gentlemen, that migration is either synonimous each state shall be entitled to all the privileges and with importation, or that it means something dif. immunities of citizens of the several states," wbich ferent from the transportation of slaves from one be thinks would be violated by the condition pro state to another. It certainly is not synonimous posed in the constitution of Missouri. To keep with importation, and would not have been used if slaves—to make one portion of the population the it had been so. It cannot mean exportation, which property of another, hardly deserves to be called is also a definite and precise term. It cannot mean å privilege, since wbat is gained by the masters the reception of free blacks from foreign countries, must be lost by the slaves. But independently of as is alleged by some, because no possible reason this consideration, I think the observations already existed for regulating their admission by the con. offered to the committee, showing that holding the stitution; no free blacks ever came from Africa, or black population in servitude is an exception to the any other country, to this; and to introduce the general principles of the constitution, and cannot provision by the side of that for the importation Þe allowed to extend beyond the fair import of the of slaves, would have been absurd in the highest terms by which that exception is provided, are a degree. What alternative remains but to apply sufficient answer to the objection. The gentleman the term “migration” to the transportation of proceeds in the same train of reasoning, and asks, slaves from those states, where they are admitted if congress can require one condition, how many to be held, to other states. Such a provision might more can be required, and where these conditions have in view a very natural object. The price of will end ? With regard to a republican constitu. slaves might be affected so far by a sudden prohibition, congress are obliged to require that condition, tion to transport slaves from state to staie, that it and that is enough for the present question; but i was as reasonable to guard against that inconveni. contend, further, that congress has a right, at their ence, as against the sudden interdiction of the im. discretion, to require any other reasonable condi portation. Hitherto it has not been found necessary tion. Several others were required of Ohio, Indiana, for congress to prohibit migration or transportation Illinois, and Mississippi. The state of Louisiana, from state to state. But now it becomes the right which was a part of the territory ceded to us at and daty of congress to guard against the further the saine time with Missouri, was required to pro- extension of the intolerable evil and the crying vide in her constitution for trials by jury, the writ enormity of slavery. of habeas corpus, the principles of civil and religious The expediency of this measure is very apparent. liberty, with several others peculiar to that state. The opening of an extensive slave market will These certainly are, none of them, more indispens tempt the cupidity of those who, otherwise, per. able ingredients in a republican form of govern- haps might gradually emancipate their slaves. We ment, than the equality of privileges of all the po- have heard much, Mr. Chairmyn, of the Colonizapulation; yet these have not been denied to be tion society; an institution which is the favorite of reasonable, and warranted by the national constitu the humane gentlemen in ihe slave-holding states. tion in the admission of new states. Nor need gen. They have long been lanıenting the miseries of tlemen apprehend that congress will set no reason slavery, and earnestly seeking for a remedy comable limits to the conditions of admission. In the patible with their own safety, and the happiness exercise of their constitutional discretion on this of their slaves. At last the great desideratum is subject, they are, as in all other cases, responsible found--a colony in Africa for the emancipated to the people. Their power to levy direct taxes, blacks. How will the generous intentions of these is not limited by the constitution. They may humane persons be frustrated, if the price of slaves lay a tax of one million of dollars, or of a laundred is to be doubled by a new and boundlest market! millions, without violating the letter of the con. Instead of emancipation of the slaves, it is much to stitution; but if the latter enormous and unreason be feared, that unprincipled wretches will be found able sum were levied, or even the former, without kidnapping those who are already free, and transevident necessity, the people have the power in porting and selling the hapless victims into bopetheir own hands-a speedy corrective is found in less bondage. Sir, I really hope that congress will the return of the elections. This remedy is so'not contribute to discountenance and render abor

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tive the generous and pl.ilanthropic riews of this tions, and with these avowals of my intentions and most worthy and laudable society. Rather let'us of my motives-I did expect that gentlemen who hope, that the time is not very remole, when the might differ from me in opinion would appreciate shores of Africa, which have so long been a scene of the liberality of my views, and would meet me barbarous rapacity and savage cruely, shall exhibit with moderation, as upon a fair subject for general a race of free and enlightened people, the offspring legislation. I did expect at least that the frank indeed of cannibals or of slaves; but displaying the declaration of my views would protect me from virtues of civilization, and the energies of inde. harsh expressions, and from the unfriendly importapendent freemen. America may, then, hope to see tions which have been cast out on this occasion. the developement of a germ, now scarcely visible, But, sir, such has been the character and the cherished and matured under the genial warmth of violence of this debate, and expressions of so much our country's protection, till the fruit shall appear intemperance, and of an aspect so threatening have in the regeneration and happiness of a boundless been used, that continued silence on my part would continent.

ill become me, who had submitted to this house One argument still remains to be noticed. It is the original proposition. While this subject was said, that we are bound by the treaty of cession under debate before the committee of the whole, with France to admit the ceded territory into the I did not take the floor, and 1 avail myself of this union, "as soon as possible.” It is obvious that occasion to acknowledge my obligations to my the president and senate, the treaty making power, friends (Mr. Taylor and Mr. Mills) for the man. cannot make a stipulation with any foreign nation ner in which they supported my amendment, at a in derogation of the constitutional powers and duties time when I was unable to pariake in the debate. of this house, by making it imperative on us to admit ! bad only on that day returned from a journey, long the new territory according to the literal tenor of in its extent and painful in its occasio!"; and from the phrase; but the additional words in the treaty an affection of my breast I could not then speak; "according to the principles of the constitution," I cannot yet hope to do justice to the subject, but put it beyond all doubt that no such compulsory I do hope to say enough to assure my friends that admission was intended, and that the republican I have not left them in the controversy, and to conprinciples of our constitution are to govern us in vince the opponents of the measure, that their vio. the admission of this, as well as all the new states, lence has not driven me from the debate. in the national family. MR. TALLMADGE, of New York rose-Sir, said

Sir, the hon. gentleman from Missouri (Mr. he, it has been my desire and my intention to avoid Scott), who has just resumed liis seat, las told us any debate on the present painful and unpleasan:

of the ides of March, and has cautioned us to "besubject. When I had the honor to submit to this gentleman, (Mr. Cobb) from Georgia, in addition

ware of the fate of Cæsar and of Rome." —Another bouse the amendment now under consideration, 1 accompanied it with a declaration, that it was that if we persist the union will be dissolved; und

to other expressions of great warmth, has saiil, intended to confine its operation to the newly ac- with a look fixed on me bas told us, "we have quired territory across the Mississippi; and I then kindled a fire which all the waters of the ocean expressly declared, that I would in no manner intermeddle with the slave-holding states, nor tinguish.

cannot put out, which seas of blood can only exattempt manumission in any one of the original

” states in the union. Sir, I even went further, and Language of this sort has no effect on me; my stated, that I was aware of the delicacy of the sub. purpose is fixed, it is interwoven with my existence; ject-and, that I had learned from southern gen. its durability is limited with my life; it is a great tlemen the difficulties and the dangers of having and glorious cause, setting bounds to a slavery, free blacks intermingling with sluves; and, on that the most cruel and debasing the world has ever account, and with a view to the safety of the white witnessed; it is the freedom of man; it is the cause population of the adjoining states, I would not even of unredeemed and unregenerated human beings. advocate the prohibition of slavery in the Alabama. If a dissolution of the union must take place, let territory; because, surrounded as it was by slave. it be so! If civil war, which gentlemen so much holding states, and with only inaginary lines of threaten, must come, I can only say, let it come! division, the intercourse between slaves and free My hold on life is probably as frail as that of any blacks could not be prevented, and a servile war man who now hears me; but while that hold lasts, might be the result. While we deprecate and it shall be devoted to the service of my countrymourn over the evil of slavery, humanity and good to the freedom of man. If blood is necessary to morals require us to wish its abolition, under cir. extinguish any fire which I have assisted to kindle, cumstances consistent with the safety of the white I can assure gentlemen, while I regret the necespopulation. Willingly, therefore, will I submit to sity, I shall not forbear to contribuie my mite. Sir, an evil, which we cannot safely remedy. I admitted the violence to which gentlemen have resorted on all that had been said of the danger of having free this subject will not move my purpose, nor drive blaaks visible to slaves, and therefore did not me from my place. I have the fortune and the hesitate to pledge myself that I would neither honor to stand here as the representative of free. advise nor attempt coercive manumission. But, men, who possess intelligence to know their rights, sir, all these reasons cease when we cross the who have ihe spirit to maintain them. Whatever banks of the Mississippi, into a territory separated might be my own private sentiments on this subby a natural boundary—a newly acquired territory, ject, standing here as the representative of others, never contemplated in the formation of our go- no choice is left me. I know the will of my con. vernment, not included within the compromise or stituents, and regardless of consequences, I will mutual pledge in the adoption of our constitution, avow i-as their representative I will proclaim a new territory acquired by our common fund, and their hatred to slavery in every shape as their ought justly to be subject to our common legisla- representative here will I hold my stand, till this tion.

Hoor, with the constitution of my country wbich Sir, when I submitted the amendment now un supports it, shall sink beneath memif I am doomed der consideration, accompanied with these explana. to fall, I shall at least have the painful consolation

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tv believe that I fall, as a fragment, in the ruins of qably lost, and the evil can never be controlled. my country.

Sir, extend you view across the Mississippi, over Sir, the gentleman from Virginia, (Mr. Colston) your newly acquired territory-a territory so far bas accused my honorable friend from New llamp- surpassing, in extent, the limits of your present shire (Mr. Livermore) of "speaking to the gal. country, that that country which gave birth to your leries," and by his "language endeavoring to excite nation, which achieved your revolution, consolidat. a servile war:" and has ended hy saying, "he is no ed your union, formed your constitution, and has beiter than Arbuthnot and Ambrister, and deserves subsequently acquired so much glory, hangs but no better fate." When I hear such language uttered as an appendage to the exlended empire over which upon this floor, and within this house, I am on your republican government is now called to bear strained to consider it as basty and unintended sway. Look down the long vista of futurily; see language, resulting from the vehemence of debate, your empire, in extent unequalled, in advantageous and not really intending the personal indecorum the situation without a parallel, and occupying all the expressions would seem to indicate. (Mr. Colston valuable part of one continent, Behold ihis extend. asked to explain, and said he had not distinctly ed empire, inhabited by the hardy sons of Ameriunderstood Mr. T. Mr. Livermore called on Mr. can freemen, knowing their rights, and inheriting C. to state the expressions he had used. Mr. C. the will to protect them-owners of the soil or then said, he had no explanation to give.) Mr. T. which they live, and interested in the institutions said he had none to ask-he continued to say, he which they labor to defend; with two oceans laving would not believe any gentleman on this floor your shores, and tributary to your purposes, bear. would commit so great an indecorum against any ing on their bosoms the commerce of our people; member, or against the dignity of this house, as to compared to yours, the governments of Europe use such expressions, really intending the meaning dwindle into insignificance, and the whole world which the words seem to import, and which had is without a parallel But, sir, reverse this scene; been uttered against the gentleman from New people this fair domain with the slaves of your Ilampshire. [Mr. Nelson, of Virginia, in the chair, planters; extend sluvery, this bane of man, this called to order, an ! said no personal remarks would abomination of heaven, over your extended empire, be allowed.) Mr. T. said he rejoiced the chair and you prepare its dissolution; you turn its ac was at length aroused to a sense of its duties. cumulated strength into positive weakness; you The debate had, for several days progressed with cherish a canker in your breast, you put poison in unequalied violence, and all was in order; but now, your bosom; you place a vuliure preying on your when at length this violence on one side is to be heart-nay, you whet the dagger and place it in resisted, the chair discovered it is out of order. 1. the hands of a portion of your population, stimulatrejoice, said Mr, T. at the discovery, I approve of ed to use it, by every tie, human and divine. The the admonition, while I am proud to say, it has no envious contrast between your bappiness and their relevancy to me. It is my boast that I have never unisery; between your liberty and their slavery, uttered an unfriendly personal remark on this must constantly prompt them to accomplish your Aoor, but I wish it distinctly understood, that the destruction. Your enemies will learn the source and immutable laws of self defence will justify going the cause of your weakness. As often as external to great lengths, and that, in the future progress dangers shall threaten, or internal commotions of this debaie, the rights of defence would be re jawait you, you will then realize, that by your owa

procurement, you have placed amidst your families, Sir, has it already come to this: that in the con. and in the bosom of your country, a population gress of the United States-that, in the legislative producing at once the greatest cause of individual councils of republican America, the subject of danger, and of national weakness. With this defect, slavery has become a subject of so much feeling- your government must crumble to pieces, and your of such delicacy-of such danger, that it cannot people become the scoff of the world. safely be discussed? Are members who venture Sir, we bave been told, with apparent confidence, to express their sentiments on this subject, to be that we have no right to annex conditions to a state, accused of talking to the galleries, with intention on its admission into the union; and it has been to excile a servile war; and of meriting the fate of urged that the propnsed amendment, prohibiting Arbuthnot and Ambrister? Are we to be told of the further introduction of slavery, is unconstitu. the dissolution of the union, of civil war, and of tional. This position, asserted with so much conreas of blood? And yet, with such awful threaten- fidence, remains unsupported by any argoment, or ings before us, do gentlemen, in the same breath, by any authoriiy derived from the constitution insist upon the encouragement of this evil; upon itself." The constitution strongly indicates an op. the extension of this monstrous scourge of the posite conclusion, and seems to contemplate a dif. human race: An evil so fraught with such dire lerence between the old and the new states. The calamities to us, as individuals, and to our nation, practice of the government has sanctioned this difand threatening, in its progress, to overwhelm the ference in many respects, civil and religious institutions of the country, with The third section of the fourth article of the con the liberties of the nation, ought at once to be met, stirution says, "new slates may be admitted by the corand to be controlled, If its power, its influence, gress into this union,” and it is silent as to the terms and its impending dangers, have already arrived and conditions upon which the new states may be at such a point, that it is not safe to discuss it on so admitted. The fair inference from this is, that This foor; and it cannot now pass under considera. the congress which might admit, should prescribe tion as a proper subject for general legislation, the time and the terms of such admission. The what will be the result when it is spread through tenth section of the first article of the constitu. your widely extended domain? Is present threaten- tion says, "the migration or importation of such per: ing aspect, and the violence of its supporters, so sons as any of the states now EXISTINO shall skinke far from inducing me to yield to its progress, proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the congress prompt me to resist its march. Now is the time. It prior to the year 1808." The words "nox erisiingia must now be met, and the extension of the evil clearly shew the distinction for wbich we contend. must now be prevented, or the occasion is irrecover. 'The word sluve is no where mentioned in the con.

garded.

stitution; but this section has always been consider Afier this long practice and constant usage to ed as applicable to them, and unquestionably re- annex conditions to the admission of a state into served the right to prevent their importation into the union, will gentlemen yet tell us it is uncon. any new state before the year 1808.

stitutional, and talk of our principles being novel Congress, therefore, bave power over the sub. and extraordinary! It has been said, that, if this ject, probably as a matter of legislation, but more amendment prevails, we shall have an union of certainly as a right, to prescribe the time and the states possessing unequal rights. And we have condition upon wbich any new state may be ad been asked, whether we wished to see such a mitted into the family of the union Sir, the bill "chequered union ?” Sir, we have such a union al. now before us proves the correctness of my argu- ready if the prohibition of slavery is the denial ment. It is filled with conditions and limitations. of a right, and constitutes a chequered union, The territory is required to take a census, and is gladly would I behold such rights denied, and such to be admitted only on condition that it have 40,000 chequer spread over every state in the union. inhabitants. I have already submitted amnendments It is now spread over the states north west of the preventing the state from taxing the lands of the Ohio, and forms the glory and the strength of those United States, and declaring that all navigable stales.. I hope it will be extended from the Mis. waters shall remain open to the other states, and sissippi to the Pacific ocean. be exempt from any toils or duties. And my friend Sir, we have been told that the proposed amend. (Mr Taylor,) has also submitted amendments pro ment cannot be received, because it is contrary to hibiting the state from taxing soldiers' lands for the treaty and cession of Louisiana. "Article 3. the period of five years. And to all these amend. The inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be in. ments we have heard no objection-they have corporated in the union of the United States, and passed unanimously. But now, when an amend. admitted as soon as possible, according to the prin. ment, prohibiting the further introduction of slave. ciples of the federal constitution, to the enjoyment ry, is proposed, the whole house is put in agitation, of all the rights, advantages and immunities of and we are confidently told it is unconstitutional citizens of the United States, and in the mean ting to annex conditions to the admission of a new state they shall be inaintained and protected in the free into the union. The result of all this is, that all enjoyment of their liberty, their property and the amendments and conditions are proper, which suit religion which they profess." I find nothing, said a certain class of gentlemen, but whatever amend- Mr. T. in this article of the treaty, incompatible ment is proposed, which does not comport with with the proposed amendment. The rights, adtheir interests or their views, is unconstitutional, vantages, and immunities of citizens of the United and a flagrant violation of this sacred charter of States are guaranteed to the inbabitants of Lou. our rights. In order to be consistent, gentlemen isiana. If one of them should choose to remove must go back and strike out the various amendinto Virginia, he could take his slaves with himn; ments to which they have already agreed. The but if he removes to Indiana, or any of the states constitution applies equally to all, or to none.

north west of the Ohin, he cannot take his slaves Sir, we bave been told that this is a new principle with him. If the proposed amendment prevails, for which we contend, never before adopted, or the inhabitants of Louisiana, or the citizens of the thought of. So far from this being correct, it is United States, can neither of them take slaves into due to the memory of our ancestors to say, it is an the state of Missouri. All, therefore, may enjoy old principle, adopted by them, as the policy of equal privileges. It is a disability, or what i cali, a our country. Whenever the United States have blessing, annexed to the particular district of coun. bad the right and the power, they have heretofore try, and in no manner attached to ihe individual. prevented the extension of slavery. The states of But, while I have no doubt that the treaty contains Kentucky and Tennessee were taken off from other no solid objection against the proposed amendment, states, and were admitted into the union without if it did, it would not alter my determination on condition, because their lands were never owned the subject. The genate, or ine treaty inaking by the United States. The territory north west power of our government, have neither the right, of the Ohio is all the land which ever belonged to nor the power to stipulate by a treaty, the terons thein. Shortly after the cession of those lands to upon which a people shall be admitted into the the union, congress passed, in 1787, a compact, union. This house have a right to be heard on which was declared to be unalterable, the sixth the subject. The admission of a state in v the article of which provides that "there shall be neither union is a legislative act, which requires the con. slavery nor involuntary servitude in the said terri:ory, currence of all the departments of legislative power. otherwise than in the punishment for crimes, whereof it is an important prerogative of this louse, wbich the parties shall have been duly convictedl.In pursu. I bope will never be surrendered. ance of this compact, all the states formed from The zeal and the arder of gentlemen, in the course that territory have been admitted into the union of this devaie, have induced them to announce to upon various conditions, and amongst which the this house, that, if we persist and force the state sixth article of this compact is included as one. of Missouri to accede to the proposed amendment,

Let gentlemen also advert to the law for the as the condition of her admission into the union, admission of the state of Louisiana into the union: she will not regard it, and, as soon as admitted, they will find it filled with conditions. It was re. will alter her constitution, and introduce slavery quired not only to form a constitution upon the into ber territory. Sir, I am not prepared, nor is principles of a republican government, but it was it necessary to celerinine, what would be the con. required to contain the "fundamental principles of sequence of such a violation of faitli-of such e civil and religious liberty.” It was even required Jeparture from the fupılamental condition of her as a condition of its admission, to keep its records, admission into the union. I woull not cast upon and iis judicial and its legislative proceedings in a people so foul an impritation, as to believe they the English language; and also to secure the trial would be guilty of such fruudulent du licity. The by jury, and to surrender all claiin to unappro- slates north west of the Ohio have all regarded priated lands in the territory, with the probibition, the faith and the conditions of their adınission; and io tas any of the United sätes' lands.

there is no reasou to beliere the peoplc of Allissouri

will not also regard theirs. But, sir, whenever a population of benighred Africa, to be translated to state admitted into the union shall disregard and the shores of republican America. But I will not set at naught the fundamental conditions of its cast upon this or upon that gentleman an imputa. admission, and shall, in violation of all faith, under lion so ungracious as the conclusion to which their take o levy a tax upon lands of the United States, arguments would necessarily tend. I do not beor a toll upon their navigable waters, or introduce lieve any gentleman on this floor, would liere ad. slavery, where congress have prohibited it, then vocate the slave trade: or maintain in the abstract it will be in time to determine the consequence. the principles of slavery. I will not outrage the But, if the threatened consequence were known to decorum, nor insult the dignity of this house, by be the certain result, yet would I insist upon the attempting to argue in this place, as an abstract proposed amendment. The declaration of this proposition, the moral right of slavery. How gladly house, the declared will of the nation to prohibit would the "legitimates of Europe chuckle," to find slavery, would produce its moral effect, and stand an American congress in debate on such a question! as one of the brightest ornaments of our country. As an evil brought upon us without our own fault,

Sir, it has been urged with great plausibility, before the formation of our government, and as that we should spread the slaves now in our coun one of the sins of that nation from which we have try, and thus spread the evil, rather than confine revolted, we must of necessity legislate upon this it to its present districts. It has been said, we subject. It is our business so to legislate, as never should thereby diminish the dangers from them, o encourage, but always to control this evil; and, wbiie we increase the means of their living, and while we strive to eradicate it, we ought to fix it. augment their comforts. But, you may rest assured, limits, and render it subordinate to the safety of that this reasoning is fallacious, and that, while the white population, and the good order of civil slavery is admitted, the market will be supplied. society. Our coast, and its contiguity to the West Indies Sir, on this subject the eyes of Europe are turned and the Spanish possessions, render easy the in- upon you. You boast of the freedom of your con. troduction of slaves into our country. Our laws stitution and your laws, you have proclaimed, in are already highly penal against their introduction, the declaration of independence, "That all men are and yet, it is a well known fact, that about fourteen created equal; that they are endowed by their Creater thousand slaves have been brought into our coun with certain unalienable rights that amongst these try this last year.

are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness;" and Since we have been engaged in this debate, we yet you have slaves in your country. The enemies have witnessed an elucidation of tbis argument, of of your government, and the legitimates of Europe, bettering the conditions of slaves, by spreading point to your inconsistencies, and blazon your supthem over the country. A slave driver, a trafficker posed defects. If you allow slavery to pass into ja human flesh, as if sent by Providence, has passed territories where you have the lawful power to the door of your capitol, on his way to the west, exclude it, you will justly take upon yourself all driving before bim about fifteen of these wretched the charges of inconsistency; but confine it to the victims of his power collected in the course of his original slave holding states, where you found it traffic, and by their removal, torn from every rela. at ibe formation of your government, and you stand tion and from every tie, which the human heart acquitted of all imputation. can hold dear.--The males, who might raise the This is a subject upon which I have great feeling arm of vengeance, and retaliate for their wrongs, for the honor of my country. In a former debate were hand.cussed and chained to each other, while upon the Illinois constitution, I mentioned that our the females and children were marched in their enemies had drawn a picture of our country, as rear, under the guidance of the driver's whip! holding in one hand the declaration of indepen. Yes, sir, such has been the scene witnessed from dence, and with the other brandishing a whip over the windows of congress hall, and viewed by mem. our affrighted slaves. I then made it my boast bers who compose the legislative councils of re- that we could cast back upon England the accusapublican America !

ion- that she had committed the original sin of In the course of the debate on this subject, we bringing slaves into our country. I have since rehave been told that, from the long habit of the ceived, through the post office, a letter post-marked southern and western people, the possession of in South Carolina, and signed ".1 native of Eng. slaves has become necessary to them, and an Land,” desiring that, when I had occasion to repeat essential requisite in their living. It has been my boast againsi England, I would also state that urged, from the nature of the climate and soil of she had atoned for her original sin, by establishthe southern countries, that the lands cannot being in her slave colonies a system of humane laws, occupied or cultivated without slaves. It has been meliorating their condition, and providing for their said that the slaves prosper in those places, and safety, while America had committed the secondary that they are much better off theire than in their sin of disregarding their condition, and had even own native country. We have even been told that provided laws, by which it was not murder to kill if we succeed, and prevent slavery across the a slave. Sir, I felt the severity of the reproof; I Mississippi, we shall greatly lessen the value of felt for my country. I have enquired on the sub. property ihere, and shall retard, for a long series ject, and I find such were formerly the laws in of years, the settlement of that country. some of the slave-bolding states; and that even

Sir, said Mr. T. if the western country cannot now, in the state of South Carolina, by law, the be settled without slaves, gladly would i prevent penalty of death is provided for stealing a slave, its settlement till time shall be no more. If this while the murder of a slave is punished with a class of arguments is to prevail, it sets all morals trivial fine. Such is the contrast and the relative at defiance, and we are called to legislate on this value which is placed, in the opinion of a slave hold. subjeci, as a matter of mere personal interest. If ing state, between the property of the master and this is to be the case, repeal all your laws prohibit the life of a slave, ing the slave trade; throw open this traffic to the Sir, gentlemen have undertaken to criminate, commercial states of the east; and if it better the and to draw odious contrasts between different condition of these wretched beings, invite the dark'sections of our country--I shall not combal such

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