that had been cut down in captain Wm. Lord's pasture. The flock consisted of 37.

there, which strangers often contravene, from ignorance; that is, when the stipulated time for laWonderful escape.-On the 26th of July, the dies' bathing arrives, a white flag is hoisted upon house of Mr. John Hunt, at Scoreham, Vt. was injur- the bank, under which it is high treason for a gened by lightning. The electrical fluid struck a young tleman to be seen there; and when the established lady who was in the upper part of the house-melt-time for gentlemen arrives, the red flag is run up, ed a string of gold beads which she had around her which is sometimes done by mistake, and produces neck, and running down her body, burnt her stock-rather ludicrous misunderstandings. A wag lately ing and shoe, and set the lining of her shoe on fire. hoisted both flags together, which created some In consequence of this shock she remained perfect-awful squinting, and no little confusion. ly senseless for ten hours, when it is stated she recovered.

Killed in Ellsworth, (Me.) by the falling of a tree, Miss Dorothy Mattocks, aged 20, daughter of Mr. William Mattocks. She repaired to the woods in order to fall trees for her father; while in the act of making her escape from being hurt, the tree fell across the spur, and killed her instantly.

Iron hanging bridge.--The third report of the se. lect committee of the London and Holy-Head road has been printed. The committee adopt and strongly recommend, Mr. Telford's plan of an iron hanging bridge across the Menai straight. Each of the two principal piers was intended to be 60 by 40 feet at high-water mark, having a foundation of rock. Upon the summit of each of those a pyramid A curiosity. A splendid folio bible, in the French of cast metal is to be erected for the purpose of language, has lately been received from Europe, by raising the cables from which the bridge is to be Messrs. Prior and Dunning,booksellers of New York. suspended. The bridge, which is to hang between It was printed in the year 1588, in a remarkable those two points, will be 522 feet long and 30 wide, large type, and is embellished with a great variety the entire length of the bridge is to be 5000 feet. of engravings, different from any thing we have be- The expense estimated at 70,000l. London pap. fore seen. It is, doubtless, one of the finest speci- Waterloo trophies. A London paper, of the 20th of mens of printing of the 16th century, and is well June, states that on Friday week a numerous and worthy the inspection of the literati, and especially fashionable party attended at the late museum in of the reverend clergy.

Another. The following singular translation appears in the edition of the bible, "IMPRINTED AT London by Robert Barker, printer to the kings most excellent majiste, 1610"-in the Sd chapter and 7th verse of Genesis, and which, for the benefit of all concerned, we here transcribe:

"Then the eyes of them both were opened, and they knew they were naked, and the sewed figge tree leaues together, and made themselves breeches.'

Piccadilly, to witness the sale of the carriage and other things which belonged to Napoleon Bonaparte, which were captured at Waterloo. The articles were all eagerly bought up, and some of them at most extravagant prices. The following statement of the prices given for some of the things will serve to shew in what estimation these relics are held: The carriage sold for 168/.; small opera glass, 51. 5s.; tooth brush, 31. 13s. 6d.; snuff box, 1667. 19s. 6d. military stock, or collar, 17. 178.; old slippers, 1.; razor, (common) 41. 48.; piece of sponge, 178. 6d.; shaving brush, 37. 14s.; shirt, 21. 58.; comb, 17.; shaving box, 71. 7s.; pair of old gloves 1.: old pocket handkerchief, 11. 11s. 6d. Many other articles sold equally high.

Wilmington, (N. C.) paper. Antiquities.-A tomb of white marble has recently been discovered at Rome, containing the body of a man and a woınan, enveloped in fine woolen cloth. Under the cornice of the mausolem were inscribed the names of Publius Cornelius and Julia Cornelia. Maimed family. From a London paper of June Responsibility of judges in Holland.-A servant girl 23. While the 7th Hussars lately passed by the was erroneously convicted at Middleburgh of rob- marquis of Anglesea's seat near Litchfield, on their bing her master; the property was found locked up route to Manchester, they were entertained by the in her box, her mistress had placed it there. She marquis at his mansion with good old English cheer. was flogged, brandmarked, and confined in the Whilst the soldiers were parading on the lawn in rasp-house. While she was suffering her sentence, front of the house, immediately before their departhe guilt of her mistress was detected. The cele- ture, a somewhat singular appearance presented itbrated Ploos Van Amstle was her advocate. The self in the persons of the marquis, his brother, (a mistress was condemed to the severest scourging, captain in the navy,) lord Uxbridge, (the marquis' a double-brand and hard labor for life. The sen- son,) and the daughter of the marquis. The first tence was reversed, and a heavy fine inflicted on wanted a leg which he lost at Waterloo, the capthe tribunal, and given to the innocent sufferer tain an arm, the noble lord Uxbridge was on crutchas an indemnification. es, being wounded in the knee, and the fair lady

Great works. The editor of the (Savannah) Geor- was minus her right hand, which she lost while atgian, noticing the wants of the Missouri territo-tending her husband at one of the battles in Spain. ry (see present volume page 408,) thinks that the Quarterly. Review. The following is the concludfollowing small items ought to have been added-ing paragraph of a long article in the Edinburg A canal through the isthmus of Darien, and Another through the isthmus of Suez! To which further we would propose-The clearing away of the ice about the North Pole, that capt. Symmes may open a trade with the people inhabiting the interior of the earth.

Scotsman, on the manner in which this country is spoken of by the Quarterly Reviewers:

"The short career of the United States has thrown more light on the theory of government, than the experience of centuries. But the truths it exhibits are gall and wormwood to the hirelings Long branch-The company at this salubrions of power. Without it we might have believed that retreat is represented to be very numerous and re- rotten burghs are the soundest part of a constituspectable this season -The New-York Advocate tion, and that a fair and full representation was visisays, there is a kind of military or naval regulations

onary nonsense.-Delolme's doctrine might have passed, that it is only the strong executive of a mo*Outlines of public interest with the people of narchy which can indulge its subjects in great liberMISSOURI!"-St. Louis Enquirer, ties of speech and conduct, while a republic is nc

cessarily suspicious and severe; and that in a demo- the striking of two flints against one another-1 cracy the people must become the prey of quacks, crimson balsam for a love wounded heart—a sweet under whom neither person nor property could be bite of the lip-an affectionate pinching of the secure. To the confusion of all these theorists, mouth-a delicious dish which is eaten with scarlet however, persons and property are more secure in spoons; a sweetmeat which does not satisfy our hun the United States than any where else, if we may ger--a fruit which is planted and gathered at the judge from the rate at which both multiply. The same time the quickest exchange of questions and interests of the people are found to thrive wonder- answers of two lovers: the fourth degree of love.” fully under their own care; and political quacks Anecdote.-One of the Osage Indians who were find so little encouragement there, that they are al- on a visit to Washington city a few years ago, being most the only class which never emigrate from this in Baltimore, was shewn every thing in the latter happy country, the government, so far from be-city that it was supposed could interest the attening jealous and cruel, is the mildest and most liberal tion of one of the native lords of the forest. Among that ever existed in the world. It creates no ficti- other things his guide conducted him to see the tious plots, nourishes no host of spies, no mercenary gaol. After viewing it with attention, he exclaimreviewers, and has contrived to get through a stored, "What dat?" the reply was, "the gaol." Indian, my period without the legitimate help of the gib-What's gaol?" His guide answered, "A place to bit, so indispensable to the strong monarchies of the put Indians in who don't pay the skins they owe," (skins being the medium of exchange or symbol of Emigration. A London paper of the 30th of June wealth among the North American savages.) Havsays, "In the Venus, which sailed last Thursday, ing viewed it some time with astonishment, the unfrom Hull for New York, was a very interesting tutored child of nature gave this reply, worthy of emigrant, Mr. Raylay, a venerable old man, up-a Socrates, a Plato, a Rochefaucault, or a Franklinwards of 80 years of age. He had lived for the last «Indian can ketch no skin dere." thirty years at Newbald, a respectable village a few miles distant from Hull, where he practised the Wit and humor.-The following piece of wit and profession of an apothecary. At the earnest soli- humor is copied from a New Orleans-paper. With citation of a daughter and her husband, who have a trifling alteration, it will suit, just at this time, the à family of nine children, he has accompanied them meridian of many other places as well as New-Orto another country, and become self-exiled, that leans. their children may have prospects more bright than their own native land can afford."

old world."

The London Observer of June 20, after giving a statement of one year's sale of that paper, (which is printed on Sunday only) amounting to 602, 224 papers, says

"It may not be wholly uninteresting to know, that the amount paid to the revenue for six hundred and two thousand, two hundred and twenty-four stamps, was no less a sum than eight thousand and twenty nine pounds, independent of the excise upon twelve hundred and four reams of paper, at three pence each pound weight, and the duty of three shillings and sixpence upon every advertisement, making a total sum contributed to the revenue by the Observer journal, in one year, of about ten thousand pounds, and that for only fifty two publications.

Prices current at New-Orleans, May 31st, 1819, by
Peter Quince & Co.

Cash-3 or 4 per cent. per month above par; very scarce; in great demand, and advancing in value. Credit-Below par; still declining; very little good in market; much wanted.

Confidence-Nominal.

Concubines-Plenty and dull; large supplies hav ing arrived from New-York and elsewhere. Commission merchants-Do. do. fluctuating. Dust, (fine)-Very plenty; low at present, but will rise the first fair wind.

Duns-Plenty and dull.

Discount at banks-Very scarce and in demand; can be obtained only through favor.

Disease and filth-Plenty at all seasons; witness the hospital and gutters.

Fragrant odours-Plenty, plenty; "you may not them" "at every corner of the streets.

Fleas Plenty; but lively.

Failures-A bad article; expected to be plenty in August and Sept.

Long-faced gentry, (not jack-asses )—Plenty and

Musquitoes A great many in market; no sales; Louisiana, perhaps, produces the best in the world; but, although they make a great noise at home, yet they are never exported.

Sea Clamm. This instrument, invented by capt. Ross, of the British navy, for taking sounding at any fathomable depth, is thus described: a hollow parallelogram of cast iron, (100 lbs.) 18 inches long, 6 by 6 and 4 by 5 inches wide-A spindle passes through it, to a joint of which the forceps are attach-dull; daily increasing. ed, and kept extended by a joint bolt. When the bolt touches the ground, the forceps act, and are closed by a cast-iron weight slipping down the spindle, and keeping fast the contents, till brought up for examination. By this instrument, the deep-j est soundings ever reached in Baffin's bay, were taken at 1050 fathoms! When at 500 fathoms, it descended at the rate of one fathom per second, and when 1000 fathoms down, it took one second and a half per fathom. It brought up 6 pounds of mud, shells, &c.

Definition of a kiss. Extract of a letter written in the year 1679, translated from the German-"What is a kiss? A kiss as it were is a zeal of expressing our sincere attachment; the pledge of our future union; a dumb, but at the same time audible language of a living heart; a present which at the same time that it given is taken from us; the impression of an ardent attachment on an ivory coral press;

Notaries Public-Plenty, brisk, and in great demand.

Promises-Plenty, but good for nothing.
Raw hide-Much used, but cheap.

Religion-Beginning to get in use; being a new article in this country, the prices nominal and the demand limited; depends, in a great measure, on the prevalence of the yellow fever.

Shaving-Brisk; especially just before 3 o'clock

P. M.

Water, (fresh)-Plenty, but rather muddy; will increase in value as the summer advances; at present, sales regular at 1 picaion per bucket full.

Bills of exchange-Plenty, a mere drug in the market-would scarcely be accepted by any body

The Missouri Question.

from his thoughts than to question on that floor the right of Virginia and other states, which held slaves when the constitution was established, to

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, FEB. 15, 1819. Mr. Tallmadge, of New-York, having moved continue to hold them. With that subject the na the following amendment on the Saturday preced-not to attempt it. But, Mr. F. continued, if gen. tional legislature could not interfere, and ought ing

tlemen will be patient, they will see that my re"And provided that the introduction of slavery, or marks will neither derogate from the constitutional involuntary servitude, be prohibited, except for the rights of the states, nor from a due respect to their Punishment of crimes, whereof the party has been duly several forms of government. Sir, it is my wish convicted, and that all children born within the said to allay, not to excite local animosities, but I shall state, after the admission thereof into the union, shall never refrain from advancing such arguments in be declared free at the age of 25 years:” debate as my duty requires, nor do I believe that

MR. FULLER, of Massachusetts, said, that in the the reading of our declaration of independence, or admission of new states into the union, he consider-a discussion of republican principles on any oced that congress had a discretionary power. By casion, can endanger the rights, or merit the disthe 4th article and 3d section of the constitution, approbation of any portion of the union. Congress are authorised to admit them; but nothing My reason, Mr. Chairman, for recurring to the in that section, or in any part of the constitution, declaration of our independence, was to draw from enjoins the admission as imperative, under any ciran authority admitted in all parts of the union, a cumstances. If it were otherwise, he would re-definition of the basis of republican government. quest gentlemen to point out what were the circum. If, then, all men have equal rights, it can no more stances or conditions precedent, which being found comport with the principles of a free government to exist, congress must admit the new state. All to exclude men of a certain color from the ey discretion would in such case be taken from con- ment of "liberty and the pursuit of happiness," gress Mr. F. said, and deliberation would be use-than to exclude those who have not attained a cerless. The hon. speaker, (Mr. Clay) has said, that tain portion of wealth, or a certain stature of body; congress has no right to prescribe any condition or to found the exclusion on any other capricious whatever to the newly organised states, but must or accidental circumstance. Suppose Missouri, admit them by a simple act, leaving their sovereignty before her admission as a state, were to submit to unrestricted. [Here the speaker explained-he did us her constitution, by which no person could elect, not intend to be understood in so broad a sense as or be elected to any office, unless he possessed Mr. F stated.] With the explanation of the honor a clear annual income of twenty thousand dollars; able gentleman, Mr. F. said, I still think his ground and suppose we had ascertained that only five or a as untenable as before. We certainly have a right, very small number of persons had such an estate, and our duty to the nation requires, that we should would this be any thing more or less than a real examine the actual state of things in the proposed aristocracy, under a form nominally republican? state; and, above all, the constitution expressly Election and representation, which some contend makes a REPUBLICAN form of government in the se are the only essential principles of republics, would veral states a fundamental principle, to be preserv exist only in name-a shadow without substance, ed under the sacred guarantee of the national legis a body without a soul. But if all the other ins lature-[Art. 4, sec. 4.] It clearly, therefore, is habitants were to be made slaves, and mere pro. the duty of congress, before admitting a new sister perty of the favored few, the outrage on principle into the union, to ascertain that her constitution would be s ill more palpable. Yet, sir, it is de or form of government is republican. Now, sir, monstrable, that the exclusion of the black popula the amendment proposed by the gentleman from tion from all political freedom, and making them New-York, Mr. Tallmadge, merely requires that the property of the whites, is an equally palpable slavery shall be prohibited in Missouri. Does this invasion of right, and abandonment of principle. imply any thing more than that its constitution If we do this in the admission of new states, we shall be republican? The existence of slavery in violate the constitution, and we have not now any state, is so fur a departure from republican prin- the excuse which existed when our national conciples. The declaration of independence, penned stitution was established. Then, to effect a concert by the illustrious statesman then and at this time of interests, it was proper to make concessions. a citizen of a state which admits slavery, defines The states where slavery existed not only claimed the principle on which our national and state con- the right to continue it, but it was manifest that a stitutions are all professedly founded. The second general emancipation of slaves could not be asked paragraph of that instrument begins thus: "We of them. Their political existence would have been hold these truths to be seif-evident-that all men in jeopardy: both masters and slaves must have are created equal-that they are endowed by their been involved in the most fatal consequences. Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among To guard against such intolerable evils, it is these are life, LIBERTY, and the pursuit of hap- provided in the constitution "that the migration or piness." Since, then, it cannot be denied that importation of such persons, as any of the existing slaves are men, it follows that they are in a purely states think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited republican government born free, and are entitled till 1808."-Art. 1, sec. 9. And it is provided elseto liberty and the pursuit of happiness. [Mr. Fuller where, that persons held to service by the laws of was here interrupted by several ge.:lemen, who any state, shall be given up by other states, to thought it improper to question in debate the re- which they may have escaped, &c. Art. 4, sec. 2. publican character of the slave-holding states, These provisions effectually recognized the right which had also a tendency, as one gentleman, (Mr. in the states, which, at the time of framing the conColston, of Virginia) said, to deprive those states stitution, held the blacks in slavery, to continue so of the right to hold slaves as property, and he to hold them, until they should think proper to adverted to the probability that there might be meliorate their condition. The constitution is a slaves in the gallery listening to the debate.] Mr. compact among all the states then existing, by F. assured the gentleman that nothing was farther which certain principles of government are estab

SUP. TO VOL. XVI.

W

lished for the whole and for each individual state. jcertain, that the representatives of the people can The predominant principle, in both respects, is, that never lose sight of it; and consequently an abuse ALL MEN are FREE, and have an EQUAL HIGHT TO LI of their powers, to any considerable extent, can BERTY, and all other privileges; or, in other words, never be apprehended. The same reasoning ap. the predominant principle is REPUBLICANISM, in its plies to the exercise of all the powers entrusted largest sense. But, then, the same compact con- to congress, and the admission of new states into tains certain exceptions. The states then holding the union is in no respect an exception. slaves are permitted, from the necessity of the case, One gentleman, however, has contended against and for the sake of union, to exclude the republican the amendment, because it abridges the rights of principle so far, and only so far, as to retain their the slave holding states to transport their slaves to slaves in servitude, and also their progeny, as bad the new states for sale or otherwise. This argubeen the usage, until they should think it proper ment is attempted to be enforced in various ways, or safe to conform to the pure principle by abolish and particularly by the clause in the constitution ing slavery. The compact contains on its face the last cited. It admits, however, of a very clear general principle and the exceptions. But the at-answer, by recurring to the 9th section of article temp to extend slavery to the new states, is in 1st, which provides, that "the migration or importadirect violation of the clause, which guarantees ation of such persons as any of the states then republican form of government to all the states.existing shall admit, shall not be prohibited by This clause, indeed, must be construed in conneccongress till 1808." This clearly implies, that the tion with the exceptions before mentioned; but it migration and importation may be prohibited after cannot, without violence, be applied to any other that year. The importation has been prohibited, states than those in which slavery was allowed at but the migration has not hitherto been restrained; the formation of the constitution. congress, however, may restrain it when it may be The honorable speaker cites the first clause in judged expedient. It is indeed contended by some the 2d section of the 4th article-"The citizens of gentlemen, that migration is either synonimous each state shall be entitled to all the privileges and with importation, or that it means something difimmunities of citizens of the several states," which ferent from the transportation of slaves from one be thinks would be violated by the condition prostate to another. It certainly is not synonimous posed in the constitution of Missouri. To keep with importation, and would not have been used if slaves-to make one portion of the population the it had been so. It cannot mean exportation, which property of another, hardly deserves to be called is also a definite and precise term. It cannot mean a privilege, since what is gained by the masters the reception of free blacks from foreign countries, must be lost by the slaves. But independently of as is alleged by some, because no possible reason this consideration, I think the observations already existed for regulating their admission by the conoffered to the committee, showing that holding the stitution; no free blacks ever came from Africa, or black population in servitude is an exception to the any other country, to this; and to introduce the general principles of the constitution, and cannot provision by the side of that for the importation be allowed to extend beyond the fair import of the of slaves, would have been absurd in the highest terms by which that exception is provided, are a degree. What alternative remains but to apply sufficient answer to the objection. The gentleman the term "migration" to the transportation of proceeds in the same train of reasoning, and asks, slaves from those states, where they are admitted if congress can require one condition, how many to be held, to other states. Such a provision might more can be required, and where these conditions have in view a very natural object. The price of will end? With regard to a republican constitu- slaves might be affected so far by a sudden prohibition, congress are obliged to require that condition, tion to transport slaves from state to state, that it and that is enough for the present question; but I was as reasonable to guard against that inconvenicontend, further, that congress has a right, at their ence, as against the sudden interdiction of the imdiscretion, to require any other reasonable condi-portation. Hitherto it has not been found necessary tion. Several others were required of Ohio, Indiana, for congress to prohibit migration or transportation Illinois, and Mississippi. The state of Louisiana, from state to state. But now it becomes the right which was a part of the territory ceded to us at and duty of congress to guard against the further the same time with Missouri, was required to pro-extension of the intolerable evil and the crying vide in her constitution for trials by jury, the writ enormity of slavery.

of habeas corpus, the principles of civil and religious The expediency of this measure is very apparent, liberty, with several others peculiar to that state. The opening of an extensive slave market will These certainly are, none of them, more indispens tempt the cupidity of those who, otherwise, perable ingredients in a republican form of govern-haps might gradually emancipate their slaves. We ment, than the equality of privileges of all the po-have heard much, Mr. Chairman, of the Colonizapulation; yet these have not been denied to be tion society; an institution which is the favorite of reasonable, and warranted by the national constituthe humane gentlemen in the slave-holding states. tion in the admission of new states. Nor need gen. They have long been lamenting the miseries of tlemen apprehend that congress will set no reason slavery, and earnestly seeking for a remedy comable limits to the conditions of admission. In the patible with their own safety, and the happiness exercise of their constitutional discretion on this of their slaves. At last the great desideratum is subject, they are, as in all other cases, responsible found-a colony in Africa for the emancipated to the people. Their power to levy direct taxes, blacks. How will the generous intentions of these is not limited by the constitution. They may humane persons be frustrated, if the price of slaves lay a tax of one million of dollars, or of a hundred is to be doubled by a new and boundless market! millions, without violating the letter of the con- Instead of emancipation of the slaves, it is much to stitution; but if the latter enormous and unreason-be feared, that unprincipled wretches will be found able sum were levied, or even the former, without kidnapping those who are already free, and transevident necessity, the people have the power in porting and selling the hapless victims into hopetheir own hands-a speedy corrective is found in less bondage. Sir, I really hope that congress will the return of the elections. This remedy is so not contribute to discountenance and render abor

tive the generous and philanthropic views of this tions, and with these avowals of my intentions and most worthy and laudable society. Rather let us of my motives-I did expect that gentlemen who hope, that the time is not very remote, when the might differ from me in opinion would appreciate shores of Africa, which have so long been a scene of the liberality of my views, and would meet me barbarous rapacity and savage cruely, shall exhibit with moderation, as upon a fair subject for general a race of free and enlightened people, the offspring legislation. I did expect at least that the frank indeed of cannibals or of slaves; but displaying the declaration of my views would protect me from virtues of civilization, and the energies of inde- harsh expressions, and from the unfriendly imputa pendent freemen. America may, then, hope to see tions which have been cast out on this occasion. the developement of a germ, now scarcely visible, But, sir, such has been the character and the cherished and matured under the genial warmth of violence of this debate, and expressions of so much our country's protection, till the fruit shall appear intemperance, and of an aspect so threatening have in the regeneration and happiness of a boundless continent.

been used, that continued silence on my part would ill become me, who had submitted to this house One argument still remains to be noticed. It is the original proposition. While this subject was said, that we are bound by the treaty of cession under debate before the committee of the whole, with France to admit the ceded territory into the I did not take the floor, and 1 avail myself of this union, "as soon as possible." It is obvious that occasion to acknowledge my obligations to my the president and senate, the treaty making power, friends (Mr. Taylor and Mr. Mills) for the man. cannot make a stipulation with any foreign nation ner in which they supported my amendment, at a in derogation of the constitutional powers and duties time when I was unable to partake in the debate. of this house, by making it imperative on us to admit I had only on that day returned from a journey, long the new territory according to the literal tenor of in its extent and painful in its occasion; and from the phrase; but the additional words in the treaty an affection of my breast I could not then speak; "according to the principles of the constitution," I cannot yet hope to do justice to the subject, but put it beyond all doubt that no such compulsory I do hope to say enough to assure my friends that admission was intended, and that the republican I have not left them in the controversy, and to conprinciples of our constitution are to govern us in vince the opponents of the measure, that their viothe admission of this, as well as all the new states, lence has not driven me from the debate. in the national family.

Sir, the hon. gentleman from Missouri (Mr. of the ides of March, and has cautioned us to "beScott) who has just resumed his seat, has told us ware of the fate of Cæsar and of Rome."—Another gentleman, (Mr. Cobb) from Georgia, in addition that if we persist the union will be dissolved; and to other expressions of great warmth, has said, with a look fixed on me has told us, "we have kindled a fire which all the waters of the ocean cannot put out, which seas of blood can only extinguish."

and glorious cause, setting bounds to a slavery, the most cruel and debasing the world has ever witnessed; it is the freedom of man; it is the cause of unredeemed and unregenerated human beings.

MR. TALLMADGE, of New-York rose-Sir, said he, it has been my desire and my intention to avoid any debate on the present painful and unpleasan: subject. When I had the honor to submit to this house the amendment now under consideration, 1 accompanied it with a declaration, that it was intended to confine its operation to the newly acquired territory across the Mississippi; and I then expressly declared, that I would in no manner intermeddle with the slave-holding states, nor attempt manumission in any one of the original states in the union. Sir, I even went further, and Language of this sort has no effect on me; my stated, that I was aware of the delicacy of the subpurpose is fixed, it is interwoven with my existence; ject and, that I had learned from southern gen- its durability is limited with my life; it is a great tlemen the difficulties and the dangers of having free blacks intermingling with slaves; and, on that account, and with a view to the safety of the white population of the adjoining states, I would not even advocate the prohibition of slavery in the Alabama If a dissolution of the union must take place, let territory; because, surrounded as it was by slave- it be so! If civil war, which gentlemen so much holding states, and with only immaginary lines of threaten, must come, I can only say, let it come! division, the intercourse between slaves and free My hold on life is probably as frail as that of any blacks could not be prevented, and a servile war man who now hears me; but while that hold lasts, might be the result. While we deprecate and it shall be devoted to the service of my countrymourn over the evil of slavery, humanity and good to the freedom of man. If blood is necessary to morals require us to wish its abolition, under cir-extinguish any fire which I have assisted to kindle, cumstances consistent with the safety of the white I can assure gentlemen, while I regret the necespopulation. Willingly, therefore, will I submit to sity, I shall not forbear to contribute my mite. Sir, an evil, which we cannot safely remedy. I admitted the violence to which gentlemen have resorted on all that had been said of the danger of having free this subject will not move my purpose, nor drive blacks visible to slaves, and therefore did not me from my place. I have the fortune and the hesitate to pledge myself that I would neither honor to stand here as the representative of freeadvise nor attempt coercive manumission. But, men, who possess intelligence to know their rights, sir, all these reasons cease when we cross the who have the spirit to maintain them. Whatever banks of the Mississippi, into a territory separated might be my own private sentiments on this subby a natural boundary-a newly acquired territory, ject, standing here as the representative of others, never contemplated in the formation of our go- no choice is left me. I know the will of my con vernment, not included within the compromise or stituents, and regardless of consequences, I will mutual pledge in the adoption of our constitution-avow it-as their representative I will proclaim a new territory acquired by our common fund, and their hatred to slavery in every shape-as their ought justly to be subject to our common legisla- representative here will I hold my stand, till this floor, with the constitution of my country which Sir, when I submitted the amendment now un- supports it, shall sink beneath me-if I am doomed der consideration, accompanied with these explana. to fall, I shall at least have the painful consolation

tion.