Having now given to the public a faithful abstract of the voluminous evidence laid before the Committee of the House of Commons in the last Session, before we proceed to lay before them the still more voluminous evidence taken by the Committee of the House of Lords, we would beg to make a few brief observations on the present state of the Slavery Question.

That the abolitionists have fully established their case in evidence, no disinterested and candid man who reads the preceding pages with attention will venture to deny. They have shown, not only that the slaves will incur no risk of suffering want by emancipation, but that their speedy emancipation affords the only rational prospect of preserving the public peace, and of securing the permanent interests of the planters themselves.

That this view of the subject will not be shaken, but, on the contrary, will be amply confirmed by the result of the evidence, which, under far different auspices, and with far different objects, was laid before the Committee of the House of Lords, we take it upon us most unhesitatingly to assert. And to this result we should come, even if we were to confine our view solely and exclusively to the pro-slavery part of the case as by them exhibited.---A pamphlet, however, has just appeared, certainly the production of no feeble pen, which, meanwhile, may be perused by every man who feels an interest in this great question; and it will at least render the unavoidable delay that must take place in abstracting the whole of the evidence of the House of Lords, containing 1394 closely printed folio pages, less a subject of regret than it otherwise would be. And here the West Indians will have no right to complain, because, though the review of our anonymous author be ex parte, it is nevertheless an exhibition of their own evidence exclusively, leaving out of view the adverse testimony.

The pamphlet to which we allude, and to which we leave, in the mean time, the task of repelling the objection that we have produced only a part of the evidence brought before parliament, bears the quaint and questionable signature of Legion-and is entitled "A Letter to His Grace the Duke of Richmond, Chairman of the Slavery Committee of the House of Lords, containing an Exposure of the

Character of the Evidence on the Colonial side produced before the Committee." It is printed for Bagster, 15, Paternoster Row.

Now, we mean not to be considered as justifying either the style or certain expressions of this able and caustic writer; but what we mean confidently to affirm is this, that he has completely overthrown the whole weight and credit of the pro-slavery evidence brought forward in the Committee of the House of Lords; so that we may argue on the basis of that produced before the Committee of the House of Commons, without the slightest apprehension that any inference, which may be fairly deducible thence, shall be refuted by that of the Lords' Committee.

If, then, we are right in affirming that the abolitionists have proved their case, and that colonial slavery, admitted to be a crime of the deepest dye, may be abolished forthwith without injury to the great sufferers by that crime, and without danger either to the public peace or, but by their own fault, to the persons and property of the planters, there can then exist no adequate motive for a day's delay in proceeding to its extinction. Such delay, indeed, is to be deprecated, not more on account of the slaves than on that of their masters; the prolongation of the miseries of the former being only an increase of the risks, both as to life and property, of the latter.

The simple ground, however, on which we are disposed, and indeed can alone consent to place the question is this: Colonial Slavery is in itself a CRIME of the greatest enormity, besides being the parent of innumerable other crimes. It is an outrage on every principle of humanity and justice, and a flagrant violation of the spirit and precepts of Christianity. From the moment that this, its real nature, has been recognised there could exist no plea for permitting it to continue for an hour, but a well founded apprehension of injury to its victims from abolishing it. This apprehension, however, the offspring, not of reason, but of mere prejudice, has now been demonstrated to be unfounded, and that with a clearness and force of evidence which cannot be resisted. What remains therefore for a Christian Government and Parliament to do but to pronounce its immediate and utter extinction, accompanying the measure by such wise and just precautions as may obviate the alarms of the most timid ?

We are perfectly borne out in this view of the nation's duty by the often repeated and unequivocal declarations of not a few of his Majesty's present ministers :

"I consider," says one who, though not actually a Cabinet minister, speaks on this particular point with the authority of one, we mean Lord Howick,-"I consider the whole system of slavery one of such deep oppression, and iniquity, and cruelty, that, if I could be satisfied it was safe to emancipate the slaves now, I would say, 'Do so; and do it at once;' and we will settle scores among ourselves afterwards, and determine in what proportion the penalty of our guilt is to be paid. But the victims of that guilt must not continue for one hour to suffer, while we are haggling about pounds, shillings, and pence."

To this course, then, of taking immediate measures for the extinction of slavery, we can conceive but one possible objection on the part of the West Indians. It may be said that the examination of evidence in the two Committees was not completed at the close of the last session. But that examination, be it remembered, was wrung from the Government by the clamorous importunities of the whole West India body; and, before it commenced, Lord Goderich had already, in his circular despatch to the colonial governors of the 5th November, 1831, adduced the most conclusive and unanswerable reasons against the necessity of instituting any such enquiry. But, now that the opportunity has been reluctantly conceded to the colonists of bringing forward the best evidence which the whole range of the West Indies could supply, and that the result has been such as we have seen, we cannot believe that any government or any parliament will listen to a single plea for a moment's farther delay on that score. There can be no real pretence for hearing farther evidence (Lord Goderich himself being our witness), but DELAY; and therefore, on those who shall consent on that ground to renew so perfectly useless an enquiry, we must charge, before God and their country, all the awful responsibility that may follow such postponement. Neither the Government nor the Parliament, we are persuaded, will assent a second time to any such unreasonable proposition; but if, unhappily, our expectations in this respect should be disappointed, the people of the United Kingdom will not be satisfied with the decision, and will regard it as

a virtual deviation from the numerous pledges so solemnly given on the hustings, at the late elections, and of which they will naturally demand a strict fulfilment.

Let the bill, therefore, which is to seal the death-warrant of slavery in every corner of the British empire, be brought in without any unnecessary delay, and let the irreversible decree go forth that that foul stain on the national character shall be effaced for ever.

When that too long delayed act of unquestionable justice shall have been performed, we shall then, with Lord Howick, deem it full time to consider, with every regard to equity, the question of the indemnities which ought to follow it.

January, 1833.

London:-S. Bagster, Jun., Printer, 14, Bartholomew Close.