their concessive use, may be illustrated by the differing constructions which, in Modern English, have replaced them. For the indefinite concession of this type, Modern English, for the most part, employs however: Ethics of the Dust, Lecture 4 however few or many you may be, you may soon learn how to crystallize quickly into these two figures. For the definite concession the language has retained the older swa... swa in the form of as ... as, now almost always reduced to a single as. Cf. Bartholomew Fair II. i. I have gold left to give these a fairing yet, as hard as the world goes; Heart of Midlothian, ch. 6 Wretched as he is,... he has a share in every promise of Scripture.

The construction appears in Orosius, clean-cut and independent of the Latin: O. 152. 16 swa ealde swa hie pa wæron hie gefuhton. This condenses the original, the concessive turn being suggested by foedissimi, annos septuaginta, etc.: Res foedissimi spectaculi erat, duos reges, quorum Lysimachus annos septuaginta et quatuor natus, Seleucus autem septuaginta et septem, arma gerere. In O. 222. 14, þa frægn Scipia hiene an hwy hit gelang wære þæt Numentię swa rade ahnescaden, swa hearde swa hie longe waron, the construction is simpler and less rhetorical than the Latin: qua ope res Numantina aut prius invicta durasset, aut post fuisset eversa.

Further examples: CP. 467. 19 hu fægerne & hu wlitigne monnan ic hæbbe atæfred, swa unwlitig writere swa swa ic eom; Gen. 23. 15 (Gen. b) þis wurd is betwux ung, ac, swa micel swa hit is, þu most swaþeah bebirgan þinne deadan þær (Vulg.: sed quantum est hoc? sepeli...); LS. 1. 216. 110 þæt an þusend manna þe ne magon astyrian, swa unstrang swa ðu eart; Nic. 484. 29 swa fæla wundra swa se hælend worhte, 7 geþ gesawon ... for hwig noldon ge gelyfan?

Somewhat peculiar is CP. 99. 21 sua suiðe sua he was upahæfen to dæm ungesewenlicum, he deah gehwyrfde his heortan eage... This represents a Latin relative and demonstrative: quem sublevatus ad invisibilia erigit, hunc miseratus ad secreta infirmantium oculum cordis flectit. One might expect se ilca, which is much used in this text. Moreover, the quantitative idea seems faint in this passage, and sua suide sua is probably about equivalent to although'; cf. modern for all in this sense: John 21. 11 (AV. and RV.) for all there were so many.

CONCLUSION.

The numerous examples which have been given prove that the concessive use of the six kinds of clauses considered, which is so familiar in our modern speech, was well established in Old English. With respect to the conditional clause, however, some qualification is necessary, since this form of concession is relatively unimportant in Old English. As for the source of these constructions, it is clear that to some extent they form a series independent of those considered in the preceding chapter. Indefinite concessions are found largely in the more distinctly native writings, and in some of the earliest. The secondary concessive clauses treated in this chapter occur largely in works translated from the Latin, even when the clauses themselves are not directly imitated. At the same time, the partly original character of works like Orosius and Boethius, and the very free method of translation applied to them, must be taken into account. Difference in subject-matter has also, no doubt, its influence.

The concessive use of the relative clause is very

often directly copied from Latin. Especially is this true of the clause containing an adversative. A few clauses are expanded, in translation, from appositive nouns or participles. Of the remaining relative clauses considered, many are found in the works of Elfric, who was also a writer of Latin. Yet independent use of the concessive relative appears in a few passages of Boethius and the Soliloquies-either because the reading of Latin had made this use familiar, or because the construction was already natural. It is somewhat remarkable that in the Laws, where the relative clause is sometimes used in place of a condition, it is not used in place of a concession. For this reason, I incline to attribute mainly to Latin influence the large use of the concessive relative clause in Old English. At the same time, the combination se ilca de, so often used where the Latin has simply a relative or an appositive, forms a native idiom with antithetic and often concessive meaning.

Of the temporal and local clauses, a large number represent similar Latin constructions, with such particles as ubi, or with conjunctions understood as temporal, such as cum. A number translate vaguer Latin constructions, such as the appositive participle. Others still, which I have not traced to any source, may possibly be due to a Latin original. At the same time, the use of temporal and local concessions in independent passages of Orosius and Boethius indicates a native tendency to the use of this very natural form of speech. There is, moreover, greater significance in the rendering of a participle or appositive by a clause of time or place than in the rendering it by a relative. The latter is mere expansion; the former means the attempt to express a more definite relation. Thus, although Old English may have

been largely influenced by the Latin use of this form, it also employs it independently.

With the conditional clause the case is different. The spontaneous use of gif in a concessive sense is rare; where the word is truly concessive, it is usually influenced by Latin si. The tendency of Old English is rather to employ deah in a conditional sense. The correlative constructions with swa are, of course, thoroughly native in their general form. As for their concessive use, we may say at once that what I have called the definite' clause of quantity or degree (swa with a positive adjective or adverb) is entirely independent of Latin influence. In almost every case it is found either in an original passage, or representing a Latin construction of a different type. The correlation of two comparatives is very similar to a Latin idiom. We find it persisting, however, as a concessive construction, when the Latin expression varies. A parallel from Otfrid is significant as showing, in a cognate language, the same means of reproducing the Latin idiom: Ev. IV. 36. 21 f. So sie sin mer tho wialtun, thaz grab ouh baz bihialtun: so wir io mer giwisse in themo irstantnisse. As the source of this passage Erdmann cites (Ev., p. 215): quanto amplius reservatur, tanto magis resurrectionis virtus ostenditur. We may, then, regard this also as a native concessive construction, though its frequent use in translations may have helped to perpetuate it.

To sum up, the most clearly independent of the constructions treated in this chapter are the correlative clauses with swa. The most clearly derived from Latin is the conditional concession. The other forms of clause seem to have arisen, in some degree, independently, but to have had their chief development in translation.

Another point of interest concerning these clauses is the use made of particles and pronouns to emphasize antithesis. With relative, temporal, and conditional concessions we find, on the whole, more use of adversatives in Old English than in corresponding Latin passages. We sometimes find demonstrative pronouns with relative concessions. The necessity for these grammatical guideposts was somewhat greater in Old English, because of its greater diffuseness; Old English frequently used expanded clauses where the Latin had balanced phrases. Less formal signs of antithesis are also found with these clauses, sometimes following Latin usage, sometimes independently -contrasted adverbs of time, emphatic adjectives like ægen.

To apply the categories of 'fact' and 'supposition' to these secondary concessive clauses is sometimes difficult, as in them the concessive relation is usually combined with some other. The same clause, in some cases, may be looked at in either way. In the main, however, the use of these clauses-leaving out of account for the moment the conditional clauseis for 'real' concessions. This, of course, is very natural, since all these forms of clause-except the conditional-are chiefly used for reference to facts. The conditional clause, which is by its nature hypothetical, includes a larger number of suppositions than all the others.

To attempt the tracing of any general influence of the concessive idea upon the modes of such clauses as are considered in this chapter would be futile. Each form of clause follows rather its own usages, modified not according to secondary relations, but according to the practice of individual authors.

The great majority of the clauses mentioned in this