A. With Adversative in the Main Clause.

CP. 399. 17 dær dær hi done fiell fleod dære synne, donne magon hie deah weorðan gehælede (et lapsus scelerum fugiunt, et tamen ... salvantur). salvantur). This is only formally a local clause; the meaning of the particle is like Modern English at the same time that in a concessive sense. This is one of numerous cases where the Old English, not having the Latin habit of balancing phrases, supplies a subordinate construction where the Latin has a coördinate one. Another occurrence of dar: Apoth. 24 Dær dær ðu neode irsian scyle, gemetiga ðæt đeah.

B. Without Adversative.

The sense of place is clearly retained in the following examples: Dial. 91. 11 þær Paulus ne mihte mid scipe faran, þær Petrus eode mid drigum fotum (ibi Paulus ire non potuit, ubi Petrus ... iter fecit); Epis. 147. 217 for hwon hie pa hefignesse and micelnisse ðara wæpna in swa miclum purste beran scoldon, þær nænig feond ne æteowde.

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The adversative sense predominates here: Bo. 60. 3 þte ponan þe hi tiohhiað þ hi scylan eadigran weorðan, þ hi weorðað þonan earmran 7 eargran (not in the Latin).

Finally, the local meaning may be entirely merged in the concessive: CP. 463. 1 ff. dætte dær dær he oðerra monna wunda lacnað (aliorum vulnera medendo), he self ne weorde adunden ... dæt he hine selfne ne forlæte dær he oderra freonda tilige (proximos juvando) & him self ne afealle, dær dær he oðre tiolað to ræranne (ne alios erigens cadat). The following less formal sentence is exactly like the colloquial construction in Modern English: Byr. 313. 20 Swylce he cwede þu sot, þær he sceolde cweðan þu sott.

CONDITIONAL CLAUSES.

The conditional clause, to which the concessive clause is so closely related, is naturally often adapted, in various languages, to concessive use. The existence of this usage in Old English is briefly discussed by Mather (p. 21). In Modern English it is far more important, and partly for a curious reason-the modern emphatic use of the periphrastic verb. A character in Nicholas Nickleby remarks, 'I don't care if I do lose.' This form of concession, in which the weight of the construction is borne by the verb and not by the particle, is very common in familiar speech, and is felt to be more forcible than though I lose.' The lack of this resource in Old English considerably restricts the importance of the gif-clause as a means of denoting concession. Nor is any phrase answering to our even if common. Moreover, many apparently concessive gif-clauses prove on examination to be probably not such.

After eliminating doubtful cases, we shall find that in Old English, as in Modern English, concessive conditional clauses fall under two heads: (a) those in which the particle means 'although' (with fact or supposition); and (b) those in which it means 'granted,' 'though in fact.' The distinction is logical rather than grammatical, except that the second type of clause may be converted into an independent sentence with less damage to the emphasis of a passage; is, in fact, less completely subordinated. On similar uses of deah see Chapter II. An analogous classification might perhaps be worked out for temporal and relative concessions; but it has seemed to me futile to superimpose any such logical scheme upon the already complex union of concessive with descriptive

and temporal notions. Only with gif and deah is the distinction seen in simplicity. Probably, therefore, only with gif and deah was it felt by the Old English writer. Even with gif-as will appear in the paragraphs to follow-it has no great importance. Our first task, meanwhile, is to sift the material.

A. Condition apparently translating a Latin Concession. Deut. 14. 24 Gif se weg swa lang beo þæt þu pine þing bringan ne mage, þonne syle pu hig (Vulg.: Cum autem longior fuerit via). Here the old English construction, which can hardly be interpreted otherwise than as conditional, is at least as natural as the Vulgate, and may very likely rest upon a variant reading.

CP. 67. 25 Se donne bio siwenige se de his &git bio to don beorhte scinende dat he mæge ongieten soðfæstnesse, gif hit donne aoristriao da flæsclican weorc (Lippus vero est, cujus quidem ingenium emicat, sed tamen hoc carnalia opera obscurant). The Latin plainly implies a concession. But the Old English version has a different turn; the translator's effort is perhaps mainly toward definition. 'He whose mind is so illumined that he can discern truth, is bleareyed in the case when (or if nevertheless)

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On L. 11. 8 see B; on Bo. 20. 21, see C below.

B. Condition followed by an Adversative.

Passages translated from the Latin are sometimes ambiguous, since Latin si may be either concessive or conditional. In Bo. 20. 13, Gif þu nu fordæm cwist þ pu gesælig ne sie, þe þonne neart ðu þeah ungesælig (Quod si idcircò . . . quoniam non est quod te

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miserum putes), the gif-clause is a true condition:

g

'If it is on this account.' peah is added by the translator to emphasize the point; he means, in spite of your complaint.'

There is a stronger concessive sense in the following passages, but the gif-clause must, in my judgment, be regarded as having a double use. It is seen first as a condition: 'take the case when.' As, however, it refers to an exceptional case, the writer views it also as a concession, and adds an adversative. All the following conditions translate Latin si, without any adversative following. BR. 53. 14 Gif he þænne eft for his undeawum utfærð oppe adræfed bio, he peah sy onfangen oð þan þriddan side (quod si); 54. 13 gif hwylc broðor unsceadelice hwæs bidde, he þeah ... hine ne geunrotsige (si quis frater); 73. 16 Gif .. swa micel þearf . . . beo . . . ne beon hy þeah ...; Inst. 360. 1 Gif swyn etað merten flæsc... we gelyfað Þ hi swa peah ne synt to awurpanne. In these passages the presence of the adversative shows a desire to mark the implied conflict between protasis and apodosis more clearly than was done in the Latin text.

A similar double use of the clause, with an adversative appearing in the Latin: Inst. 368. 16 gif heo [the woman] ponne gewitnysse hæbbe, p heo [the maidservant] scyldig wære, fæste heo þeah III gear (si autem testimonium habeat . . . nihilominus .. jejunet).

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The same double use of a clause, in a passage not from the Latin: Laws 62. 19 Gif æt dissa misdæda hwelcere se hund losige, ga deos bot hwæðre forð. Of the same nature is the interpolated sentence in PPs. 40. 1 se þe ongyt þæs þearfan . . . and him þonne gefultumað, gif hine to onhagað [pure condition]; gif hine ne onhagað [condition], þonne ne licao him þeah [adversative to condition] his earfoðu.

Cases where gif before an adversative is equivalent

to simple peah are rare. In L. 11. 8, gyf he ne arist and him sylð ... þeah hwœpere represents etsi non dabit illi surgens . . . tamen of the Vulgate. This is very likely based on si in some faulty manuscript, for confusion between etsi and si is very natural. The same explanation may be offered for Bo. 20. 21, discussed under C below. In L. 11. 8, however, the use of gif with the indicative may be due (since deah is usually followed by the optative), to a desire to render the future of the Latin.

C. Condition without Adversative.

It is among clauses without a following adversative that we must chiefly look for examples of gif introducing a simple concession. Accordingly, it is among the same clauses that we can observe the distinction, already discussed, between gif meaning 'even if it is (or be) true that,' and meaning granted.' Most examples of the former use are due to the influence of Latin si, concessively used. Gif in the passages following translates si: CP. 437. 10 gif hi oferhycgen dæt hi him ondræden hiora lytlan synna donne donne hi hi gesio, ondræden hi him huru, donne hi hi hrimað; John 21. 22,23 Gif ic wylle pæt he wunige dus oo ic cume, hwæt to be? etc. In these cases, Modern English tends to use if; but the adversative sense is present. In Old English, when uninfluenced by Latin, the tendency is rather to use deah.

There is one curious instance of and gif apparently meaning although,' in a quotation from a Latin source. ÆH. 2. 322. 10 Helpað ofsettum . . . and ðreagað me sioðan. pis sæde Drihten, and gif eowere synna wæron wolcn-reade ær dan, hi beod scinende on snawes hwitnysse. The Vulg. has: et arguite me, dicit Dominus: si fuerint peccata vestra ut coccinum, quasi nix deal