TEMPORAL CLAUSES.

The frequency with which temporal clauses and temporal connectives pass into concessives in Modern English has been pointed out by Kellner (p. 73) and Mätzner (3. 452, 462).

The same principle is involved in the adversative meaning sometimes given to the adverbs meantime, meanwhile (cf. Mätzner, 3. 385). The employment of the Latin cum as a concessive particle (on which see Lane, p. 315, and Draeger 2. 772), and the use of the French quand même, illustrate how natural is the transition from the temporal to the concessive relation. A single example from Modern English may stand as a type of this usage: Ethics of the Dust, Lecture 3 While they owned the real good and fruit of it, they yet held it a degradation to all who practised it. In Old English, as in Modern, the transition is sometimes so complete that the temporal particle might be regarded, as swa has been, as a true concessive conjunction. I follow Professor Adams, however, in reckoning as temporal all connectives of this kind.

A peculiar feature of the temporal concession in Old English is the number of cases in which a temporal conjunction, with more or less of concessive meaning, is used to translate concessive cum. One is forced to the conclusion that, though the concessive character of the clauses translated was recognized, cum itself was looked upon as a distinctively temporal conjunction. Examples (quoted in the succeeding paragraphs) are John 4.9; 6. 71; 7. 15; 12.37; BH. 80.7; 88. 9.

With temporal, as with relative concessions, there may be an adversative in the principal clause; this is often, but by no means always, in close imitation of a Latin original.

A. With Adversative in the Main Clause.

1. Ja and Daða.

This connective, when followed by an adversative, always retains something of its temporal force. The adversative in a substantive clause: O. 134. 27 para þegna angin þa hie untweogendlice wendon þæt heora hlaford were on heora feonde gewealde, ... þæt hie swapeah noldon þæs weallgebreces geswican. The sentence is an addition of the translator's own. The following seems to be an awkward combination of the temporal and concessive ideas, and the adversative is supplied by the translator: CP. 115. 9 Đa da Cornelius for eaðmodnesse wel dyde dat he hine astrehte beforan him, he deah hine selfne ongeat him gelicne (Petrus ... a bene agente Cornelio et sese ei humiliter prosternente immoderatius venerari recusavit seque ei similem recognovit). The two ideas again united, but as naturally and easily as in modern colloquial style: Guth. 159. 8 þaþa se mennisca fultum him beswac, hine þeahhwæpere se godcunda fultum gefrefrode; Int. Sig. 50. 475 Đa godes englas ... þu cwædon, Ne be healde ge underbæc, ac efstað aweg, pa no pe las beseah lothes wif underbæc (a sentence not in the Latin original); Bl. H. 215. 31 Ɖa he... þa gesihpe geseah, pa ne was he huepre noht feor on oferhygd ahafen on mennisc wuldor; Wulf. 12. 14 þa þa þæt was þæt deofol pet folc swa mistlice dwelede... pa was peah an mægð de æfre weorðode þone soðan godd.

2. sioðan.

CP. 385. 2 siððan he his cnihtas gelæred hæfde done cræft dæs lareowdomes, he cwæo swaðeah (postquam ... instruxit, illico adjunxit: Vos autem .); here the adversative is copied from the Latin, but

displaced. Bl. H. 177. 28 syppan hie dæt feoh onfengon ne mihtan hie hwedre forswigian þæt þær geworden wæs.

3. mid Ŏy.

BH. 80.7 mid by seo æ monig þing bewered to etanne, swa swa unclene, hwædre in godspelle Drihten cwæð... (cum multa lex ... manducare prohibeat, in euangelio tamen Dominus dicit...); 88. 9 mid þy we weoton þæt se lichoma ne mæg lustfullian buton þam mode, hwædre þæt seolfe mod ... (cum caro delectare sine animo nequeat, ipse tamen animus . . .); 316. 16 þæs gemanan myd by heo was ... brucende, hwæðre heo ... awunade (cum . . . uteretur . . . tamen ...). In the following the whole sentence is built out of a double cum-clause: Dial. 155. 27 mid by se Godes wer hine . . . lærde þæt he hit gebetan sceolde, he swa peah nanum gemete him to pon hyran nolde (Cumque eum vir Dei... admoneret, ipse vero nullo modo consentiret ...).

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B. Without Adversative in the Main Clause. 1. da and ðaða.

When no adversative is present, as when the adversative is used, concessive da means although (as in John 6. 71) or at the very time when (as in BH. 48. 21). A single exception is found in O. 30. 22 hio was wilniende mid gewinnum þæt hio hy oferswiðde, da hio hit ourhteon ne mihte. Here da introduces a more loosely connected clause; the meaning is 'though in fact, and the clause approaches independence.

Examples of the more common usage: BH. 48. 21 þa him ælc mennisc fultum blonn, þæt hi ma on godcundne fultum getreowodan (ubi humanum cessebat auxilium); John 6. 71 þes hine belæwde, pa he

was an þara twelfa (Vulg.: cum esset unus ex duodecim); 12. 37 Ɖa he swa mycele tacn dyde beforan him, hi ne gelyfdon on hyne (Cum ... tanta signa fecisset); Mk. 16. 11 pa hi... hine gesawon, þa ne gelyfdon hi him (The Vulg. is quite different in meaning: audientes quia ... visus esset ab ea); Int. Sig. 48. 473 Hwi weard lothes wif awend to sealtstane, þaþa god sende his twegen englas to ahreddene loth 7 his wif? (clause added by translator); 46. 440 Hu mihte abraham beon clæne ... þa þa he hæfde cyfese under his riht wife? (dum conjunctus est ancillae suae); ÆH. 1. 140. 9, 10 he wolde mann beon for us, ðaða he God was, . . . he wolde beon pearfa for us, ðaða he rice was; cf. 2. 118. 23.

2. donne.

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John 4.9 Humeta bitst þu æt me drincan, þonne ou eart Iudeisc, and ic eom Samaritanisc wif? (Vulg.: Judaeus cum sis); 7. 15 Humeta cann þes stafas, þonne he ne leornode? (Vulg.: cum non didicerit); ÆH. 1. 64. 34 se ... gytsere wile mare habban þonne him genihtsumað, þonne he furðon orsorh ne bricð his genihtsumnysse; LS. 2. 60. 114 þu þe gelyfdest on me, þonne du me ne gesawe. Donne represents different antithetic Latin constructions: CP. 209. 16 donne hie wenen ... dat we him donne secgen (ea quae bene egisse se credunt, male acta monstramus); 211. 17 donne we hira yfel tælað, dat we eac hira god herigen (dum alia reprehendendo corripimus, alia... laudemus). Cf. also Byr. 313. 22, 27.

3. mid Ŏy.

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There are no very clear cases of concessive use of this particle without an adversative. The following, however, probably have a tinge of concessive meaning: BH. 454. 13 þære ærfæstnesse þe he him forgifen

hæfde, mid þy he allpeodig was (cum esset peregrinus); Guth. 145. 2 Midpy he ... mid mid arfæstnysse his ealderum underpeoded was, hit gelamp sume side... þæt se awyrgeda gast him oneode.

4. mittes.

I have found only one passage where mittes seems to have concessive as well as temporal force. This passage, however, is of interest, since the clause in question is coördinated with a deah-clause: Chad 147. 252 7 mittes he wes heh biscop on orleahtre 7 swilce peah þe he fram untrumum 7 unwisum preostum were ge dered na ge seah hine mon efre forðon eorne.

5. nu.

Although Adams (p. 61) regards nu as a causal conjunction in use, it is clearly temporal in origin, and I have accordingly placed it here. Bo. 68. 11 forhwy be haten dysige men mid leasre stemne wuldor, nu ðu nane neart? 80. 23 Wundorlice cræfte þu hit hæfst gesceapen þæt þ fyr ne forbærno þ wæter 7 þa eorban, nu hit gemenged is wið ægðer; Inst. 377.8 hwi þeos feorpe boc sig uncapitulod nu þa ærran bec synt gecapitulode (cum priores libri ... sint).

LOCAL CLAUSES.

The local clause, like the temporal, may become concessive in Modern English, sometimes (as in the passage following) losing all local meaning: Merchant of Venice, IV i. 22 where thou now exact'st the penalty.. thou wilt... forgive a moiety of the principal. The same usage is found in Old English, though rarely.

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