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the imperative: Laws 40. 15 þeah hit sie din gecyde hit him.

The Concessive Clause as a Part of Speech. mally, of course, the concessive clause is ad1. It may, however be used as substantive. most common cases of this sort are the interive or quasi-interrogative clauses discussed among diomatic uses of deah, in the third section of chapter. Another case is the use of the deahje, still with an implication of concession, to zlate a Latin infinitive, as in the following passages:

373. 1 ne ondræet him no, deah de he do God indan hine (eumque laudi suae postponere nequam metuit); M. 15. 20. Again, the deah-clause may appositive to hit, in cases where Modern English uld use if and ignore the concessive idea emasized by Old English. Examples: LS. 1. 34. 160

wene þæt hit ne sy unrihtwisnysse ætforan gode eah de þu wifes bruce and blysse on life; 2. 286. 1080 wæð þæt hit ne sceolde his munuc-hade derian eah þe he hire frofres and fultumes bruce. In the ollowing passage, a Latin construction usually represented in Old English by a deah-clause which is probably to be considered adverbial, is appositte to det: CP. 333.8 ff. Hwæt forstent ænigum mero bat. deah he mangige dæt he ealne disne middangari age, gif he his saule forspildt? Quid prodest ilmini si totum mundum lucretur ...?) In the successing sentence, the same idea, where the Latin st. as a is repeated in the Foolish in a substante de clause: Swelc

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D. The Correlatives of the Concessive Clause. When the concessive clause precedes the main clause or some portion of it, it is frequently followed by a correlative word or phrase which emphasizes the conflict between principal and subordinate propositions. Only rarely does such a correlative precede the concessive clause. The correlative may be a definite adversative, such as deah, swa Heah, or hwædere, or an adverb of some other form, or even an adjective. The position of the adversative may vary from the place immediately following the concessive clause to that of the eighth or even a later word after it.

a. Adversatives and similar adverbs. 1. Geah.

This is one of the most common adversatives. Its use is illustrated by the following passage, where the repetition of the same particle contrasts with the distinction in particles shown in the Latina: Gram. 264. 14 quamuis non roget, tamen uult habere-deah de he ne bidde, beah he wyle habban. This position of deah as the initial word after a concession is very common, but not invariable. An example of later position: BR. 20. 25 þeah hwylc leorninccniht his ealdres gebodu mid weorce gefremme, gif he hit mid mude beceorað oppe mid mode besargað, ne bið hit þeah Gode andfenge.

· An example of the exceptional order is the following: 0.252.2 Ic wille, cweð Orosius, on foreweardre pisse seofeþan bec gereccean þæt hit þeh Godes bebod was, þeh hit strong wäre, hu emnlice þa feower onwealdas para feower heafedrica pisses middangeardes gestodon.

· Passages illustrating the use of correlatives are cited by the line in which the deah-clause occurs, except in the case of for eallum dissum.

2. swa Deah.

This adversative, which is one of the most common correlatives of the teah-clause, may perhaps be analyzed into the phrase 'even so.' Its meaning, however, does not differ from that of adversative deah. Like deah, it may stand first or near the first in the the main clause, but it shows a tendency to stand at the end of a short sentence. Examples : ÆH. 2. 56. 28 þeah de se Halga Gast ne beo swutollice genemned to dam Fæder and to dam Suna, swa-deah he bið symle ðærto undergyten; Laws 460. 27 þeah he gebeo þæt he hæbbe helm 7 byrnan 7 golde fæted sweord, gif he þæt land nafað, he bið ceorl swa þeah.

3. hwædere.

The source of this adverb is evidently the interrogative particle hwæðer. Its adversative sense may have arisen from the meaning whichever it be', but its use is not to be distinguished from that of the adversatives already named. It usually stands at the head of the main clause. An example: Dial. 203. 15 þeah þe he aræfnede halwendlic wite, hwæpre he bær his agene scame.

4. Geah hwedere.

This compound stands at the head of the main clause. An example: BR. 61. 11 peah hit gecyndelic sy on menniscum gewunan, þæt man mildheortnesse cyðe þam oferealdum and þam cildgeongum, peahhwe pere ne scylen hy beon butan regole.

5. donne.

Đonne, which is also in use as a correlative to conditional clauses, is sometimes used as adversative after a deah-clause. An example: Bo. 132. 2 þeah

he mæge sume his willan ongitan, þonne ne mæg he eallne.

6. Donne hwædere.

A combination chiefly found in the Dialogues. I cite an example, however, from another text: Inst. 468. 54 þeah we þillico wito witan 7 gelifen, þonne hwædere ne sceolon we næfre geortrywan be Godes mildheortnesse.

7. hwadere swa Deah.

This unusual combination is illustrated by the passage following: HL. 154. 79 Soðlice þeah de he drihten us hider on middaneard eadmodlice gesohte on menniscne lichaman, hwæðere swa þeah he englas blissode on heofona rice.

8. hwadere Beah.

This phrase is very rare. Example: ÆH. 1. 286. 2 deah de hi ne magon beon totwæmde, belimpo, hwæðere deah, seo hæðung to dære hætan, and seo onlihtung belimpo to daere beorhtnysse.

9. huru.

Huru (at least,' saltem), though not an adversative, is not infrequently correlative to the deah-clause, serving in the sentence both as connective and as qualifying adverb. For example: LS. 2. 78. 172 bæd eac ba modor bat heo hire bearn tihte pet he huru ana abuge þeah þe his gebroðra noldon.

10. for eallum Gissum.

The concessive phrase for ealluin dissum (found in Wulf. 147.7), to be treated among the prepositional phrases of Chapter VIII, and the source of our modern phrase for all this, should be reckoned among the correlatives of deah-clauses, since it serves to indicate the relation between principal and subordinate clause. b. Causal Adverbs. The intimate connection sometimes found between causal and concessive constructions was pointed out in Chapter I. Causal adverbs and feah-clauses sometimes appear in the same sentence, not contrasted as are adversative and clause, but in a sort of apposition, showing the same fact in two lights: 'not on this account ... even though.' Examples: HL. 141. 80 And se man þe næbbe of hwan he mæge rumlice ælmessan syllan, ne onðracige he fordam, þeh he lytel hæbbe; Chad. 147. 252 swilce þeah þe he fram un trumum 7 unwisum preostum were ge dered, na ge seah hine mon efre fordon eorne; Æ. Th. 464. 46 Sume seoce synd swa dysige Þ hi ondrædað him þ hi sceolan swyltan sona for þam husle, ac we secgeað to sopan þ he ne swylt na forby, þeah þe he ælce dæge underfo ß husel; Wulf. 34. 8 þeah he silf ælc unriht dreoge on his life, ne byð seo þenung þæs na þe wyrse.

c. Comparative Adverbs and Adjectives. The form of adversative phrase represented in nevertheless had far greater importance in Old English than it has in the modern language. Old English na ty læs is only one of a considerable number of comparative phrases, both stereotyped and freely coined, used correlatively to the concessive clause. These phrases, again, belong to a group which has never, so far as I have learned, received adequate attention. Old English uses comparative phrases in butan-clauses (a usage still sometimes found with unless-clauses) in purpose-clauses, not always under Latin influence, as correlatives to causal, conditional, and concessive clauses, and frequently as adversative adverbs relating independent sentences.

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