case, Thorpe translates though.' A closer parallel to the Old English would be our phrase 'to be sure,' which has sometimes the effect of subordinating the sentence in which it occurs. Another example without copula: Epis. 149. 271 þa cwomon we to þæm mere de us mon ær foresæde; þa wæs he eall mid wudu beweaxen mile brædo, was hwæpre weg to dæm wætre. In all these cases, the relation of the two connected sentences is actually less clearly defined than in the case of the concessive sentence introduced by and. In Elfric's Lives of the Saints occur several parenthetical clauses resembling the adversative sentences treated in the preceding paragraph: LS. 1. 458. 266 Sum wer was betogen þæt he wære on stale-was swadeah unscyldig—and hine man sona gelæhte; 502. 233 and he malchus se getreowa fleah of dære byrig sona mid ege and mid ogan-hæfde mid him peah eapelicne fodan-and com to his geferan and heom eall cydde

.; 516. 491 ða geseah he hwær þa weorc-stanas lagon ofer eall þær onbutan and he healfunga þæs wundrode-peah na swide embe pat ne smeade-ac he forht of pære dune mid micclan ege nyðereode.

Here should be mentioned also a type of phrase ending with swa deah, which is characteristic of the same work. These phrases are loosely tacked-on to a preceding statement; and, though they bear some resemblance to the appositives and adverbs to be treated in the following chapter, are equivalent to elliptical sentences: LS. 1. 166. 319 swa þæt ða munecas .. eodon to uhtsange, ær timan swa peah; 276. 199 Ic wylle eac sweltan, na scyldig swapeah; 2. 440. 232 'Datianus,' þa cwæp se deofollica cwelleræ, ofsceamod swapeah, 'gif ic ...; 1. 84. 565; 444. 63; 470. 474.

NOTE 1. The use of MHG. unde introducing concessive clauses furnishes an analogy to the coördinate sentences

discussed in this section. Since OE. and, while remaining a coördinate conjunction, takes on in these sentences the logical function of a subordinating particle, it is interesting to compare a note of Tobler's1 upon the use of und and unde: Die concessive Bedeutung des und = obgleich, da doch, ist im untergeordneten Satz dasselbe was die einfach adversative und doch' im beigeordneten. Da die letztere schon ziemlich alt ist und z. B. auch dem altsächsischen endi zukommt . . ., so dürfen wir uns nicht wundern, auch ihr Correlat schon auf althochdeutschem Boden zu finden.'

NOTE 2. Although, as I have said, the coördinate sentence with and is to be distinguished from the use of and as a subordinating conjunction meaning 'although' or 'if,' it is possible that the latter use may have arisen from the former. I may note that Wülfing is inclined to understand and as conditional in Wulf. 229. 24; 231. 13. But in each case the sentence introduced by and seems to me an independent prophecy.

2

THE CONCESSIVE SENTENCE PRECEDING.

Another type of concessive structure is that in which a sentence, not formally subordinated, bears a concessive relation to another following it. Such constructions vary from the crudest and most childlike collocation of clauses to the most effective balanced periods. In Old English, the two related sentences may be connected by and, ac, or an adversative adverb, or rarely-may simply stand side by side without formal connective. The use of the same structural types for expressing various other ideas than that of concession makes definition somewhat difficult. In the necessary absence of formal signs of relation,

1 Über den Relativen Gebrauch des Deutschen und (Germania 13. 91-104), p. 101.

2 Wülfing, Kommt and in der Bedeutung von if schon im Altenglischen vor? (Anglia, Beiblatt 12. 89).

one must resort to a logical criterion. The sentence in question must in every case be read in the light of the context. If in the light of the context the first of two sentences appears to be introduced only for the sake of the second, especially if it be a mere repetition of something already stated, and now referred to for its bearing on the second sentence, it may fairly be regarded as subordinate in thought. Or, as often happens, if the former sentence, having at first an independent value, is overshadowed by the importance of the second, the former sentence may still approach the subordinate relation.

Into passages largely connected by means of and, the coördinate concessive structure naturally enters, as in the following example of entirely formless collocation: Bl. H. 57. 19 Manige men beod heardre heortan þe pa godcundan lare gehyrap & him mon pa oft bodaþ & sægp & hi hi ponne agimeleasiao; though they are often preached to and instructed.' Bl. H. 93. 16 & ponne hit biþ æt sunnan setlgange, & þeah hweþre nænig leoht ne æteoweb; here peah hwepre, a more definite adversative than donne, marks the relation of the sentences. Epis. 146. 168 þa was haten Seferus, min þegn, funde þa wæter in anum holan stane and þa mid ane helme hlod hit and me to brohte, and he sylfa þursti wæs, se min þegn, and hwæþre he swiðor mines feores and gesynto wilnade ponne his selfes; here again we have the adversative after and.

An example of how a sentence may seem at first to have independent value, and may be turned into a tributary to what follows, is seen in this passage: Æ. Th. 447. 39 Manega sinodas wæron syððan gehæfde, ac pas feower syndon fyrmeste swa-peah. Another instance of subordination to the context occurs in this passage from the Peterborough Chronicle, where the

main current of the reader's attention passes directly from wunder to ac: Chron. 263. 35 þa the suikes under gæton he milde man was 7 softe 7 god, 7 na iustise ne dide, pa diden hi alle wunder. Hi hadden him manred maked 7 athes suoren, ac hi nan treuthe ne heolden; They had, it is true, done him homage... but... Cf. Chron. 68. 21; 69. 16.

An adversative is occasionally used in the first sentence of a concessive group, relating it to the second somewhat in the manner of the Latin quidem, but far more vaguely. For example: LS. 1. 498. 184 and ic donne wio eow stiolicor aginne, donne ic tale wið eow habban wylle. Ne dinch hit me peah nan ræd, ac ic eow læte unbeheafdod . . .; 'unreasonable as it seems to me, I leave you . . .

From the more or less crude sentences thus far treated, Old English prose illustrates all gradations to clean-cut and effective antithesis, in which two sentences, at the same time that their relation is indicated, remain independent for the sake of emphasis.

One group of passages to be considered comprises those in which a Latin subordinate construction is rendered by a coördinate one. I cite a few characteristic examples. A participle may be expanded into a sentence, preceding the logically more important statement: Mk. 8. 18 Eagen ge habbað, and ne geseoð? (Vulg.: Oculos habentes non videtis?); CP. 301. 10 Se ure fiond donne he was gesceapan ongemang eallum oðrum gesceaftum, ac he wilnode ðæt he wære ongieten upahæfen ofer ealle oore gesceafte (Hostis ... inter omnia conditus, voluit videri supra omnia elatus). Or an ablative absolute may be rendered by a sentence: BH. 358. 1 mid by se ylca cyning . . . here lædde to forhergianne Peohta mægðe-7 him swiðe þæt his freond beweredon þa gelædde he hwæðre here in Peohtas

(cum ... exercitum ad uastandam Pictorum prouinciam duxisset, multum prohibentibus amicis). A concessive clause may also be replaced by a grammatically independent sentence: BH. 172. 21 Æghwæðer heora was elpeodig þær, 7 hwæðre for heora lifes geearnunge geþungon, þæt heo buu wæron abbudissan (quae utraque cum esset peregrina ... est abbatissa constituta).

On the other hand, a coördinate group in a translated text may simply follow the original. The use of quidem to give concessive force to a sentence, usually with a following adversative, is of course exceedingly common in Latin, and it is sometimes copied in translation. The word used to render quidem is usually witodlice. Examples are chiefly found in the translations of the Gospels. M. 9. 37 Witodlice micel rip ys, and feawa wyrhtyna (Vulg.: Messis quidem multa, operarii autem pauci). Analogous adverbs, in the same sense, are in use in Modern English, as appears in the same text in the Authorized Version: The harvest truly is plenteous. Other instances: M. 20. 23 Witodlice gyt minne calic drincaþ; to sittanne on mine swipran healfe nys me inc to syllanne (Calicem quidem meum bibetis: sedere autem... non est meum dare vobis); Mk. 14. 38 witodlice se gast is gearu, ac þæt flæsc is untrum (Spiritus quidem promptus est, caro vero infirma); L. 22. 22 And witodlice mannes Sunu gæð. peah hwædere wa þam. men þe he purh geseald bið (Et quidem Filius hominis ... vadit: verumtamen vae homini illi per quem tradetur). These examples vary, as do similar passages in Latin, from the combination of two sentences without conjunction (M. 20. 23) to the use of a strong adversative (L. 22. 22). Other passages where the same construction is copied from Latin: M. 26. 24; L. 23. 41; Gen. 27. 22; Coll. 99. 36.

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