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always to be found in the Alfredian texts. On this point, see Krawutschke, p. 45; Fleischhauer, p. 24.

A rough and ready way of learning the preference of the language as to the mode with deah, and a preparation for determining whether the usage was uniform for all senses of the conjunction, is to note the mode after deah-clauses of any sort-concessive, conditional, or quasi-interrogative-remembering, however, that in most cases deah is concessive. The following table, including a selection of representative texts, gives a survey of the modes with this conjunction.

Number of Number of certain indicText

Jeah-clauses atives in deah-clauses Laws 19

0 BH. 62

1 Bo. 160

1 Sol. 50

1 СР. . 145

0 B1. H. 30

1 Gospels 19

0 BR. 19

1 De Temp. 9

2 LS.1 104

2 Æ Asm. 17

0 Wulf. 59

1 The single indicative in Boethius, Bo. 31. 10, occurs in a passage supplied from the later manuscript. De Temporibus, though a brief text, has purposely been included, because its proportion of indicatives is large. One indicative in the Lives of the Saints, LS. 1. 150. 35, is synd, the same as the verb of the principal clause, and may be due to confusion or attraction.

· Homily 27 has been excluded, as being a duplicate of a text in Rood. See LS. 2. xi.

The strongest statement, then, that we can make is that the indicative may appear after deah, but exceptionally in both earlier and later texts. These results agree substantially with those of Nader for Beowulf. In view of the almost negligible number of undoubted indicatives, discussion as to whether the mode after deah varies with its occasional conditional or interrogative use, or with a particular form of concession, becomes idle. We may, however, apply the usual categories of fact and supposition, to see whether these optative deah-clauses are restricted to one meaning or the other. For this purpose, we may select a work of Ælfric, who rather inclines to the use of the indicative in various constructions which may have the optative (see p. 62 below, for an example of this). Of the 104 deah-clauses in the Lives of the Saints, all are concessive. Of these, 66 seem to me undoubtedly concessions of fact; the others hypothetical. And of these 66 concessions of fact, 44 have plainly optative verbs. Old English did not mark by mode the distinction between fact and supposition introduced by Jeah.

Note. In the Heliand, Behaghel finds the subjunctive practically constant after thoh (Modi, p. 46), though he mentions one or two exceptions. As for the cognate particle in Otfrid, Erdmann says explicitly (Otf., p. 90): 'Ohne Ausnahme steht ... der Conj. in dem durch thoh eingeleiteten concessiven Nebensatze sowohl wo dieser dem Hauptsatze vorangeht, als wo er nachfolgt, und nicht bloss bei allgemein möglichen, sondern auch bei entschieden als wirklich und tatsächlich gedachten Ereignissen.' The usage of these works, then, agrees with Old English.

The mode of the swa-clause, on the contrary, is indicative all cases where the node can be deter

· Anglia 11. 452.

mined. This fact adds, of course, to the difficulty of determining in doubtful cases whether swa is concessive or modal, since the form of the clause is identical for both meanings.

For the adversatives occasionally employed as.concessive conjunctions, statistics have little value. Of the three examples I have observed of swa deah, one has the optative, one the indicative; one has no verb. Hwæðere has the indicative.

THE CLAUSE IN RELATION TO THE SENTENCE.

A. The Position of the Concessive Clause. The concessive clause may stand either before or after the principal clause, or, less frequently, may be inserted somewhere within it. There is no rule as to the order of concessive sentences, although in a few texts the tendency to one order or another is strongly marked. In the Lives of the Saints, for example, of the 104 deah-clauses, 78 stand after the principal clause. In the translation of Bede's History, of the 62 deah-clauses, 35 stand before the main sentence, and 5 are parenthetical; so that the tendency against 'loose order is fairly strong.

B. The Mode of the Main Clause. The concessive clause has no influence whatever upon the mode of the principal verb. The latter is indicative, imperative, or optative according to the laws usually governing independent sentences. An example of the indicative: CP. 261. 16 Se de for us gebæd to his Fæder, deah he him emnmiehtig sie on his godhade; of the optative: Laws 222. 8 ælc ceapscip frið hæbbe, de binnan muðan cuman, deh hit unfriðscyp sy; of the imperative: Laws 40. 15 þeah hit sie din feond, gecyde hit him."

C. The Concessive Clause as a Part of Speech. Normally, of course, the concessive clause is adverbial. It may, however be used as substantive. The most common cases of this sort are the interrogative or quasi-interrogative clauses discussed among the idiomatic uses of deah, in the third section of this chapter. Another case is the use of the deahclause, still with an implication of concession, to translate a Latin infinitive, as in the following passages: CP. 373. 1 ne ondræt him no, Jeah de he do God behindan hine (eumque laudi suae postponere nequaquam metuit); M. 15. 20. Again, the deah-clause may be appositive to hit, in cases where Modern English would use if and ignore the concessive idea emphasized by Old English. Examples: LS. 1. 34. 160 Ic wene þæt hit ne sy unrihtwisnysse ætforan gode þeah ðe þu wifes bruce and blysse on life; 2. 286. 1080 cwæð þæt hit ne sceolde his munuc-hade derian þeah þe he hire frofres and fultumes bruce. In the following passage, a Latin construction usually represented in Old English by a teah-clause which is probably to be considered adverbial, is appositive to det: CP. 333.8 ff. Hwæt forstent ænigum menn tæt, deah he mangige dæt he ealne disne middangeard age, gif he his saule forspildt? (Quid prodest homini si totum mundum lucretur ...?) In the succeeding sentence, the same idea, where the Latin still has si, is repeated in the Old English in a substantive tætclause: Swelce sio Soðfæsðnes openlice cwæde: Hwelc fremu bið menn dæt he gestriene eal dæt him ymbutan sie, gif he forliesð dæt him oninnan bið ...?

1 These passages are cited by the line of the deah-clause.

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