upon the matter with gravity extraordinary. Balaam's animal did not speak more promptly when kicked than does that print when nudged by the movers of the resolution. Since the nomination of delegates the Argus has done battle with the rest of us for Democracy has urged the organization of our principles into the constitution-has joined with us in congratulating on our triumph -has labored with our party against the Whigs in a hand-to-hand fight for it, as belonging to our party-but all at once has been taken with a sudden sense of wrong action and withdraws to the neutral part of the field, saying, "Hold on, don't fight any more, and we will join with the enemy and divide the glory-they fight with guns, so do we; where's the difference?" The Argus gives a series of reasons in defense of its position, the most prominent of which are Because the constitution embraces many principles which all parties hold in common and many provisions which are mere matters of expediency and have no imaginable relation to party politics or political principles of any kind. Where are the two men who would not agree that the government should consist of three departments and that the powers and duties of these departments should as far as practicable be separate and distinct from each other, or who would disagree as to the propriety of having the legislature consist of the two houses or having a supreme and inferior courts, or in respect to any one section of the bill of rights? And, because, In our case, a convention was elected on party grounds, and the Democratic party was largely in the majority. Now if the same majority is bound to adopt the instrument whether they like it or not, submitting it to a vote of the people at all is a mere farce or at best a mere formality, and the action of the convention, as in the case of a legislature, might just as well have been final upon the question. In either case we are bound by the action of the convention and have nothing further to say about it. There are other "becauses" put forward with equal gravity, which we do not deem necessary to answer; neither have we the room this week to do so. We grant the truth of the first extract, but ask if there are not many more principles in that instrument, great and weighty ones, which parties do not "hold in common" and upon which alone has been based the hostility of the Whigs against us? We will instance chartered monopolies, for example. One set of men struggled to have them legalized in the constitution; another set of men struggled and successfully, too, to keep them out. This difference of opinion is a party line; you cannot make anything else out of it. And it is upon these differences that we are battling, not upon those "principles in common." The arguing is most shallow which lugs in these things as a pretext for doing away with party. An incorporation is about to build a house, and the question arises: What kind of one shall it be? A part wish it built in church form, with slips, pulpit, etc., and the other part are in favor of a theatre, with stage, pit, and galleries. Thus a dispute is got up, when all at once a Solon arises and says, "What fools, to dispute about so little a matter, when you all agree that the house must have beams, and joists, and roof, and doors, and windows. All houses are built to protect us from the weather. Then let us not divide into factions upon the minor point whether this one shall be built for the worship of God or Thespis." Again, the Argus says the convention was elected on party grounds -our own being largely in the majority—and if the same majority is bound to adopt the instrument, whether they like it or not, its submission to the people is a mere farce, etc. When we elected delegates, we proclaimed our principles and sent our men to carry them out. Well, if the constituent had perfect confidence that these principles would be carried out, he would have no objection to a "final action" by the convention. But such is never the case. We know not the prejudices and preferences of our candidates and ask that their work may be submitted to us, that we may see whether their duty has or has not been performed. This is all that can honestly come of a submission to the people. We are not, of course, bound to adopt the instrument, if bad. But if they have acted faithfully and their work is good we are bound to uphold them and defend our principles by acting as a party in their support. What sense can there be in urging our principles before election, if we are to desert them immediately after? Democracy then was what it is now. But enough of this. We like not the course of the Argus, shifting and varying as it is between right and wrong, and we now only wish to place in juxtaposition two paragraphs of different articles in the same number of that paper (February 16) which as flatly conflict with each other as did ever two papers of opposite politics. Speaking of this subject, in one column, it says: The resolution relative to the constitution, we believe, did not pass unanimously and probably will not meet with universal approbation. For our own part, we are well pleased with its mild and conciliatory character, and especially that it discountenances the idea of making the adoption or rejection of the constitution a party question. This we believe to be the true ground for both the advocates and opponents of the constitution, and especially the former. That's rich, decidedly. But a change comes over the spirit of his dream. As if scared at the ugly sound of that paragraph, he opens, in an adjoining column, with a violent exhortation to the party, thus: Democrats of Wisconsin! The time has come for action! The election which takes place in about six weeks is by far the most important ever held in our territory. Our opponents, aware of this, are unceasing in their efforts, and already we hear them gloating over a fancied division in our ranks and an easy triumph. Democrats, this must not be! We must meet them on every point and teach them that whatever differences of opinion exist among individuals, yet we can rally round our chosen principles. In the words of the immortal Jefferson, we would say, "Warn the committees." Organize by counties, organize by townships, precincts, and school districts, and see that such arrangements are made as will bring every Democratic voter to the polls. What is wanted now is action, action, action! Beware of false issues.— Beware of the deceptive clamors raised against the constitution, and vote upon it as your conscience tells you to be right. There is but one great issue to be decided and that is, Shall Democracy or Federalism prevail? Well, which shall we take, Mr. Argus? You leave us in a most perplexing doubt-we can call thee neither friend nor foe: "Under which king, Benzonian? Speak or die!" |