That men who have enjoyed the confidence of the generous Whigs of Dane County, who have received from them office and honor, should wilfully misrepresent their principles merely for the purpose of giving “aid and comfort" to their most violent opponents is a source of deep reg et to their heretofore political associates. As a Whig, it is too great a trespass upon charity to believe them honest; that question, however, is with themselves, and I am not disposed publicly to question their apparent sincerity.

The Whigs at the mass meeting alluded to put forth the following as their first resolution:

"First. To make all officers in our government, both civil and judicial, elective directly by the people, with short tenures of office, that they may hold in constant remembrance their accountability to the people."

This of course was a declaration in favor of an elective judiciary, and as a Whig, I support the doctrine. Now we would inquire what kind of an elective judiciary does the constitution give us? It gives us but the shadow for the substance. True, ostensibly, we have an elective judiciary; but we are opposed to the rotation system-it virtually kills the principle by giving to the people a judge of their own choice but one year in five! I had just as soon have the people of the District of Columbia elect the judge for the second judicial circuit as to trust the matter to the people of the fifth circuit, to which La Pointe is attached for judicial purposes! What guaranty have the people of Dane County and the counties comprising the second circuit that the other circuits will not fasten upon them for four years an irresponsible being called a judge— elected to that office, not because he was the choice of the people, but because a party caucus gave him a nomination? The Whigs of Dane County never asked for such a system; neither will they approve of it at the dictation of any man or set of men. I might mention many defects in the system, but one will suffice: The constitution provides that the judges of the several circuit courts shall be judges of the supreme court, thus perpetuating that great error which has crept into other state constitutions, of allowing judges of circuit courts to sit in judgment upon their own decisions on the supreme bench. So much for the elective judiciary asked for by the Whigs of Dane County.

"Second. A direct and positive prohibition against the granting by the legislature of any charter for banking purposes; or the passage of any law whereby any monopoly or any special exclusive rights and privileges may be conferred for private purposes."

Such is the resolution of the Whig mass meeting upon the subject of banks. How far does it go? Not one breath beyond the question as to the policy of chartering banks. The resolution was aimed only at monopolies and chartered privileges. Upon the subject of banks the resolution is explicit and full. It speaks only of chartered banks while upon that subject and declares against them. As a Whig, and as one of the committee which presented those resolutions to the Whig mass meeting, I stand by the resolution and am willing "here and elsewhere" to maintain and defend to the extent of my ability the principle involved in it. Upon questions of a general nature, * the people need not in my humble opinion be bound by constitutional enactment. The resolution quoted means no such thing -says no such thing. Trade should be left free and without any unnecessary restrictions. Individual enterprise should not be prohibited nor a man incarcerated in prison for taking what he pleases in exchange for his property, real or personal. We might perhaps here make the inquiry, Why was the resolution above suppressed by Messrs. Bird, Blanchard & Co.? Why was it not published? The handbill asserts that "the declaration was made and set forth saying in strong and emphatic language that the Whigs of Dane were pledged to use their efforts to have inserted upon the fundamental law of the state of Wisconsin a prohibition upon the legislature's chartering banks or in any way granting banking privileges."

The slightest observation will convince these gentlemen that there is no vitality in this assertion. The error they have fallen into is apparent. I leave them upon this question not only to the judgment of Whigs, but to men of all parties who despise efforts at imposition.

"Third. That there shall be secured to every person engaged in any trade, occupation, or profession the books, tools, and implements necessary for carrying on the same; to every householder his homestead; to every farmer his farm containing eighty acres of land, with its products, sufficient for the support of his family, and that his interest in the same shall not be taken from him except on particular contract of bargain and sale thereof, or for some tax imposed thereon, or for the payment of some fine or amercement against him for trespass or misdemeanor."

With this resolution before them these gentlemen have the assurance to assert that we have "just such an exemption" in the *NOTE-The resolution on banks refers only to chartered ones. If the people should demand a "general banking law," nothing contained in the resolution would prevent the legislature from carrying out their wishes. The doctrine, I believe, is Democratic.

constitution as the "Whigs of Dane" asked for! Where is the exemption for the person engaged in trade? Where is the exemption of books, tools, and implements necessary for carrying on the same? Ask the mechanic, ask the laborer where is the exemption for those who need it most. In the statute law? For one, Mr. Editor, I am in favor of affording the same protection by the same law to all alike. So are the "Whigs of Dane County" if the resolution above quoted means anything. To protect the man worth his $1,000 by constitutional enactment and at the same time leave the mechanic and the laborer to the mercy of statute law is no part of the creed of the "Whigs of Dane County." An attempt to create false issues, to misrepresent their solemn declarations put forth in the face of the world will meet that judgment which perfidy richly deserves.

Had the constitution prohibited the chartering of banks and stopped there, had it given to the people the substance of an elective judiciary, had it given the exemption to all alike (notwithstanding many other salutary provisions asked for by the Whigs of Dane have been given the go-by) there would have been much of reason in appealing to them as a party to support this instrument. But even then, almost insuperable objections must arise in their minds against going for it. No one can pretend to say that the people of Wisconsin need a legislature as numerous as the constitution provides for. With a population of about a hundred and fifty thousand, according to the last census, I cannot but be convinced that a legislature numbering from sixty to one hundred and twenty is altogether too cumbersome and expensive. New York, with a population twenty times as large as ours, is not willing to incur the expense of a body so numerous and unnecessary. Our resources will not warrant the expense of so large a body; it may have suited the office-seeking propensity of political aspirants, but as one of the people I am not disposed to gratify their ardent desire to serve the people by giving my assent to it.

The constitution, too, instead of restricting the legislature, is made the subject of legislative action. Under the constitution the statute law of the state must be revised. It must be made on the start to comply with that instrument. The people will endeavor to become acquainted with the laws of the land. After having incurred the expense-say about $10,000-in the publication of such laws, they will be entitled to stability and permanency in those matters which define their rights and protect their interests. The cry of "amendment to the constitution" is raised, and under the

heat of party excitement the proposition receives a two-thirds' vote in the legislature, and is submitted to the people, where it carries by a bare majority. Admit that the amendment is a good one-what is the effect upon community? The statute law framed under the old provision is buried in the same grave. Both go down together. The fundamental law is afloat upon the waves of popular agitation -it is made the football of party demagogues and the steppingstone to office and its emoluments.

Communities and justices of the peace in remote sections of the country, necessarily ignorant of the regenerating process continually going on at the capital under the supervision of constitutional quacks and lawmakers, hesitate in their decisions involving the rights of parties litigant. The field is opened for endless litigation, and the learned professions reap a rich harvest. All of this, too, must be done at the proper expense of the people. It is the "sweat of their brows" which must foot the bill. Are they benefited by such an unsettled state of things? No! Permanency is what the people want; and this can never be secured unless we first start right. The same rule which applies to a private individual will hold good with communities and states. One great error in early life may forever blast the reputation and destroy hopes of reformation. An evil planted in the very heart of the fundamental law of the land will corrode and disease the whole system. It is easier to remove it now than when it becomes settled and makes up a part of the framework of our political system. Now it may be reached-tomorrow it may be out of our power. On a question involving the dearest interests of a free people too much precaution cannot be used. Wisconsin, as a territory, is prosperous. Her march has cast a colossal shadow over the world. The adoption of this constitution will have a tendency to increase or diminish her greatness-to retard or advance her prosperity. If the prostration of our credit abroadif the derangement of our market for surplus produce-if the absence of confidence between men and communities and adverse interests created in the domestic circle are to be the fruits of its adoption, then we say in all sincerity, “Deliver us from it."

I trust that the Whigs of Dane County will review these resolutions. It will serve to remind them that it is not too late to come to their rescue. The adoption of this constitution throws away all hope of engrafting them upon the fundamental law of the land until the period arrives for framing a new constitution. What our chance for success will be ten years hence no human forecast can divine. Now is the time for action. Let the Whigs move gallantly

onward in one unbroken phalanx, and success will yet vindicate the wisdom of their principles. "Eternal justice forever holds her balance true and laughs at all puny attempts to evade her unerring decisions." Our principles need only be universally known to be universally sustained. Let them stand upon their merit, without reference to name or locality, and they are claimed as the embodiment of liberality and justice. Then, at this crisis, and at this favorable moment, let us not be content with the shadow in lieu of the substance.

Mr. Editor, the only excuse I have to offer for thus trespassing upon your time and patience is that as a Whig and as a humble member of the committee which presented the above resolutions to the Whig mass meeting I could not silently assent to see them perverted and misrepresented. That it should be done by professed Whigs who participated in the meeting is passing strange. But the indirect charge of "inconsistency" upon the Whigs of Dane County for opposing the constitution will fall harmlessly at their feet. Had the resolutions been published with the address-had the antidote accompanied the poison-this trespass upon your patience would have been unnecessary.

If Whigs support the constitution from principle, let them do so unmolested. It is a right every man enjoys, and no one as I view the matter has a right to question his motive. So with those who oppose it. Freedom of opinion is every man's birthright. I do not regard the question as to the constitution strictly of a party nature. In comparison with the great interests involved, party sinks to a mere dwarf. It is for this that we should oppose every effort which has a tendency to arouse party feelings upon this the most important question which will ever be submitted to a free people. It is for this that we should fully and candidly discuss this instrument, and guided by our own unbiased judgment vote for or against the adoption of the constitution.

Respectfully yours,

WM. WELCH

TACTICS OF DANE COUNTY DEMOCRACY DENOUNCED

[March 30, 1847]

MADISON, March 27, 1847

To the Whigs of Dane County:

"The mountain has labored and brought forth" a bird's nest. It has been the custom of all political parties of this country from