object in view than to discuss it fairly and to invite reflection upon it. If the constitution is calculated as it is to promote the general interests and welfare of the people of Wisconsin, in justice to ourselves and to the members of the convention whose sagacity and wisdom prepared it we should give it our approbation and support without regard to difference in political opinion. But if upon due reflection we believe its effects will seriously enter into and affect the fiscal affairs of the people, cultivate fraud, and retard the growing prosperity of the state we should promptly reject it.

It is well understood that the constitution of a state is its fundamental law, which creates the legislature, and to which its legislation must invariably conform-the main pillar that supports the dome of legislative acts that many sessions may accumulate to rest upon it. It therefore becomes the people to look closely and carefully to it; for if the pillar is rotten, weak, and tottering it is unfit to rest the future happiness and prosperity of Wisconsin upon.

You, sir, must have heard the specious arguments in favor of warming this crudity into life from many of its friends with whom you have conversed, and with me you must have thought that however good theoretically they may be, practically they will not apply. Many people may, however, be induced to vote for this. constitution in April next, who dislike many parts of it as much as any who oppose it, because "it contains many excellent qualities, and the most odious parts can be easily amended with less expense than to call a new convention." True, it contains some wise and equitable provisions and many "excellent qualities"; and what object of hatred has not some redeeming qualities? The worst practical villain that breathes the atmosphere has, but it is no reason why we should embrace and protect him. And as to the expense I think a mistaken idea exists. But suppose it is a few dollars and cents cheaper to adopt it, in a present pecuniary view, is that a good reason for supporting it? Suppose I should say the lawless convict might change his wicked course of life with less pecuniary expense than to visit the condign punishment of the law upon him, by imprisonment or otherwise would I not be answered that the experiment of such economy would be unwise and extremely dangerous to the community in which the experiment should be tried? But let us see how the matter really stands with regard to the expense. Article six, on the organization of the legislature, provides for not less than seventy-five, nor more than one hundred and sixty members, and making the present apportionment one hundred, subject to be increased sixty! Now, sir, who is not prepared to say

that sixty would do as well as one hundred and sixty, and that the interests of the people would be as well cared for without being unnecessarily saddled with an oppressive tax to support a host of senseless office seekers?

Let anyone make the calculation for himself for a session of forty days with these facts before him: that each member has $2 per day and ten cents a mile going to and returning from the capitol; and suppose the average distance of the members from Madison to be fifty miles, you will make one short session of one hundred and sixty members sum up $14,400! Now, call the number sixty and the difference in one forty-day session will be $9,000, which in ten years will amount to $90,000.

Compare the cost of a new convention of moderate numbers, without considering the paralyzing effects of this one upon every branch of industry, and you will readily see that we could save enough to bear the expense of two conventions and hire a hundred honest men to go and look the members in the face while voting upon wild schemes of experiment.

What is the prospect for amendment? Two-thirds of both branches of the legislature must necessarily concur in the amendment before it can be submitted to the people, and we all know that such a majority is hard to be obtained in any legislative body.

If we adopt it with the expectation and hope of amendment, I fear our hopes are sadly against fate, for the obstacles are too numerous and mighty easily to be overcome. By adopting it we virtually say to the members of the legislature, we approve it as it is; and be assured they will so understand it and so let it remain until a train of alarming circumstances rolls in upon them or the handwriting is seen upon the wall. As well might we expect a reform in the hardened convict accustomed to robbery and blood as to expect a thorough amendment of this constitution under the present condition of the territory, before its withering effects reach and sorely annoy us. By adopting it we fasten upon us a system of fraud and oppression unknown to American legislation and not easily or speedily removed. In it the villain will find a friend and accomplice to aid him in his accursed schemes of robbery and plunder, and the honest and unsuspecting will be their ready victims.

You cannot be at a loss to know that I have reference particularly to the fifteenth article. And for the article on banks and banking, if nothing else would sap the growing prosperity of the state, that would effectually do it-bring down the nose of the farmer to the grindstone, make empty shelves for the merchant, and turn hundreds

out of employ. What a diabolical thirst for political fame and immortality must not the author of this article have had, while penning it in its original form! With everything ultra in his brain that was ever recognized by the "hards" or Hunkers he dipped his desperate pen into the ink, and-"The mountain labored and brought forth a mouse." The convention cut off its tail, and if the people do not effectually kill it, much mischief will be the consequence.

ROMULUS

MAMMOTH MEETING-CONSTITUTIONAL 19

[March 2, 1847]

"What has caused this great commotion! Motion! Motion!" etc. MR. EDITOR: You have doubtless (in common with the public generally) heard of the great catastrophe-that is to say-the rumor about town of the great gathering last week of the friends of the constitution in this village. Sir, it is my good fortune to be in possession of some of the facts in relation to said "uprising," and if you deem the subject sufficiently interesting, I hope you will make public this communication. I desire this, not because I have any vanity to gratify, but for the reason that those who were so very unfortunate as not to be able to attend may be made acquainted with the facts in the case. That a very great multitude assembled, and that uncommon feeling was manifested on the occasion is apparent from the unparalleled excitement which has ever since prevailed throughout the length and breadth of our village-a commotion such as threatens to make "earth's foundation to the center nod."

Mr. Editor. I approach the subject with fear and trembling. To narrate correctly the proceedings of this tremendous gathering requires a greater scribbling propensity than I am endowed with. But if you will excuse my weakness, I will as far as possible "a round unvarnished tale deliver" of this most unaccountable demonstration.

Pursuant to public notice I repaired to the place appointed for the meeting and found the tremendous assemblage (some twentyfive or thirty persons) duly organized, Wm. N. Seymour Esq., presiding. The first business then in order was the appointing of a committee to draft resolutions expressive of the very high opinion in which the constitution was held by the masses. The committee consisted of five-two at least of said committee being disqualified from voting for the very good reason that they have not yet obtained a residence among us. But no matter, the Chair for some 19 For a formal report of this meeting see supra, p. 364.

good reason failed to make the proper selection for committee men, and the ball immediately opened.

"The man of the National Hotel" here arose, and drew from his pocket a long series of windy resolutions, and after a short speech proceeded to read to the meeting. The resolutions approved of the constitution per se and denounced every man who dared to oppose it as an "enemy to the human race-cold blooded-inhuman" (I cannot attempt to follow the profuse expressions of the gentleman) etc., and finally sat down evidently much overcome with the effort, when Mr. Smith (not J. Y.) made a motion to adopt the resolutions nem con. At this the Chair became much agitated, and took the liberty to protest against the resolutions because they denounced good Democrats and endorsed the whole of the constitution, which was contrary to usage, and formally "gave notice" that if the resolutions were carried, he should take "leave of absence." A motion to lay on the table being in order, A. A. Bird moved to that effect, which, according to the decision of the Chair, was carried. At this the author of the resolutions took the alarm-the way he scratched up the documents was curious-and making rapid speed towards the door gave notice verbally that "they (the great gathering) might support the constitution as they dd pleased," and retired. But his absence was short; he soon returned and requested the privilege of withdrawing his resolutions, when they were in fact snugly stowed away in his breeches pocket. At this moment the "regular committee" entered, J. G. Knapp, superintendent of territorial property, chairman, armed with a long set of resolutions adopted by the late Milwaukee constitutional meeting, and presented the same in "regular order." The resolutions were very moderate and left to each man the free exercise of his own judgment, untrammeled by party discipline in the course he should pursue in regard to the constitution. They were purely of the Hunker extraction and very creditable to the gentleman who made the selection from the files of the Milwaukee Courier. On motion the resolutions were unanimously adopted, and in accordance with the preamble the great multitude organized itself into a "Constitutional Club," for certain purposes therein set forth, and proceeded to elect officers. Sundry nominations were made, and the choice for president finally fell upon our worthy townsman, J. C. Fairchild Esq., a progressive of the first water.

Deep repository

Of the future and the past
Give a mortal glory.

The scene which now followed beggars description. The "man of the National" had prepared to give battle to the Hunker tribe, and well did he perform his literary evolutions. I wish, Mr. Editor, that you had his speech. It was rich. He denounced in flaming words those who had presumed to question the wisdom of the late convention and pronounced the result of its labors the "personification of all that is great and good." When he took his seat Mr. H. A. Tenney, your very amiable opponent of the Argus, rose and very gravely inquired if the resolutions first introduced (which, by the by, had been called up) were offered with the "serious intention of being passed." This question was decidedly cool and set in motion the bitter waters of strife. He (Mr. Tenney) could not endure the exemption article. It afforded, he said, no protection to the mechanic, it was unequal in its provisions, and might have been better. He hoped the resolutions endorsing it would not be adopted.

Mr. Knapp wished to save the "pearls, gold, and jewels" in the resolutions, but they must undergo a regenerating process, and the "chaff" blown away. He was in favor of a reference to a committee.

The youngest member of the late convention here rose to explain, but before proceeding far inquired of your opponent of the Argus if he was in "favor of the constitution." This we thought very impertinent. Taking into account the fact that Mr. Tenney is not yet a voter amongst us and will not be at the April election I thought the question a strange one. I did not hear Mr. Tenney's answer, but presume it was satisfactory to the gentleman.

After this gentleman had explained his views and endorsed the resolutions the Chair rose and declared that he was "opposed to pouring vials of wrath on the heads of good Democrats"-that Marshall M. Strong was as good a Democrat as Smith, besides being a particular friend of his. Cries of "Order! Cries of "Order! Order!" "Go on! Go on!" were heard from the "great multitude," when the orator took his seat, declaring, however, that if the resolutions passed he would withdraw from the meeting.

"The man of the National" again took the floor, and after declaring himself to be an "old polyticianer" (a new word that) equal at least to Seymour, piled up the agony on the exemption article and the rights of married women in particular. He denounced the whole Argus concern as opposed to the adoption of the constitution and thought it time the people should know it. Here the whole house was thrown into confusion, and the efforts of the