1485 12,612 Switzerland 767 1 2,655 2,065 1 2,285 3,500 Southern States.. United States.... 957 1 3,516 Naples and Sicily.. 6185 1 2,078 || Western Europe... | 69,634 | 1 In reviewing this table, we shall perceive, that in accordance with an opinion often expressed, Scotland gives more of her youth a collegiate education than any other country in the world. Baden, Massachusetts, and Connecticut, fall little short of this standard; and these are the only countries in the world, according to these estimates, which have one collegiate pupil for less than 1,000 inhabitants. NewHampshire, according to the calculation of the American Quarterly Register, is the only American state beside, in which there is more than one for 1,500; while in Europe, Saxony, England, Hanover, Bavaria, Tuscany, Spain, and Prussia, all have a proportion greater VOL. IV.-January, 1833. 10 than this. It must not be forgotten, however, that the universities and colleges of Spain furnish nothing which deserves to be called a truly liberal education. Vermont, Maine, New-Jersey, South Carolina, Pennsylvania, New-York, and Rhode Island, composing all the eastern, and three of the middle states, and one of the southern, have one student for less than 2,000 inhabitants, in which they are rivalled by Wurtemberg, Sweden, Portugal, and the Netherlands. Most of the southern and western states have from 2,000 to 4,000 inhabitants to a student. In this proportion, the highest compare with Switzerland, and the rest with Denmark, Naples, and Austria. The most recent western states have only one to every 5,000 inhabitants; and still are placed on a level with France and Ireland. Russia stands alone among the civilized countries of the world, and only gives a liberal education to one person in 15,000 of her population. As a mass, it would appear that the eastern states provide the advantages of a collegiate education, such as they are in the United States, for a greater proportion of their population than England, or any European countries except Scotland, Baden, and Saxony. The middle states are as well provided as Wurtemburg, Sweden, and the Netherlands. The southern states will compare with Switzerland in this respect; and the western states, with all their destitution, are as well supplied with liberally educated men, so far as numbers are concerned, as Denmark and Austria. The comparative state of common school instruction is very different from that of collegiate instruction. In this, the United States have the pre-eminence, whether we compare them with the mass of European countries or select individual examples. The Edinburgh Review admitted many years since, that the great body of the American people is better educated (instructed) than the mass of any European community.' The following table, derived from the best sources, shows the proportion of children who receive common school instruction to the whole population, in several European countries, and in several of the United States, and furnishes statistical evidence of the truth of this remark : Proportion of pupils in common schools to the whole population. Canton Vaud, Switz.. Prussia Netherlands. Scotland.. 1 to 6 1 to 6.6 1 to 7 1 to 7 1 to 9.7 New-York.. Pupil. Inhab. to 3.9 1 to 10 1 to 13 1 to 15.3 least Austria. England. France. Russia. Pennsylvania, New-Jersey. ...1 to 21 It will be seen, in examining this table, that the proportion of children, receiving common school instruction in New-York and the eastern states, is greater than in any country of the civilized world. So unusual is the proportion in New-York, that Schwartz, the distinguished German historian of education, could scarcely believe it correct. In Pennsylvania and New-Jersey, whose destitution is the subject of so much well founded regret and anxiety, the mass are still better taught than in most countries of Europe, better than in Scotland itself; and even the western states will soon have as much of common instruction as France. Still we should feel, that the neglect, which may be for the time safe in a despotism, is ruinous in a republic; for it undermines the basis of free institutions. AFRICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. : Thoughts on African Colonization or an impartial exhibition of the Doctrines, Principles, and Purposes of the American Colonization Society;'-together with the Resolutions, Addresses, and Remonstrances of the free people of color. By WM. LLOYD GARRISON. Boston, 1832, pp. 236. WHILE we have ever felt and expressed our horror and repugnance at the enormities of the slave trade, and deplored the evils entailed upon our beloved country by the extent, increase, and mischiefs, of the slave population; we have uniformly given our unqualified support to every effort of philanthropy and Christianity to arrest the former, or to mitigate or remove the evils of the latter. Accordingly we have frequently sustained, by our feeble means, every humane and judicious project aiming at the abolition of the slave trade and of mitigating the evils of slavery itself, in this and in every country; and devoutly wished success to every well directed effort to accomplish these objects. To this course we have been impelled by a sense of civil and religious duty; and no considerations, we humbly trust, shall ever seduce us from a consistent and unwavering avowal of our testimony against the whole system of slavery in the abstract, and particularly of the slave trade, as impolitic, unchristian, and unjust. But at the same time we hope ever to be found at an infinite remove from the spirit and temper of those wild enthusiasts, whose visionary and inflammatory speeches, harangues, printed pamphlets, and tracts, have, by a mistaken policy and misguided zeal, been employed in our country by wily politicians and factious demagogues, for the purpose of raising a popular clamor against that portion of our fellow citizens who are alike sensible of the evil and its present perpetuation, entailed upon them by the act of others, in which they could have no agency, and for which they are in no wise directly criminated, either legally or morally. And we deprecate such policy and conduct, not so much because the motives and character of such factious zealots are so often obviously equivocal; but because such publications have ever produced evils little short of those they condemned, and must necessarily add to the sufferings, both physical and moral, under which our 'AfricAmericans' are groaning in many portions of our land. While the exasperations and heart burnings thus occasioned between the different sections of our country, in relation to each other, are so fatal to the concord, harmony, and union among our citizens, which should be preserved inviolable in order to the ultimate success of any emancipa tion or abolition effort, our motto, and that of every friend of the African race, should ever be, Our country, our whole country, and nothing but our country.' It was by reason of such views and feelings, that we hailed the 'American Colonization Society' as the friend of the country, the friend of Africa, and the friend of our whole colored population, whether free or slaves. An intimate acquaintance with its origin, its organization, its constitution, its early history, and the deservedly distinguished citizens, in point of intellectual and moral worth, who became its patrons and friends, protected us from any of those fears by which different political and sectarian partizans seemed at first to be agitated. And we have never lost our confidence that as the plans and operations of the society were developed, the real friends of the country would unite in its full support, impelled thereto, alike by patriotism and Christianity. And our own close observation of the effect upon the public mind, produced by every year of its history, convinces us, that our confidence has not been misplaced, and the real friends of the country, in the south as well as the north, and the true friends of our colored population, are now rallying around the standard of the American Colonization Society, as presenting a scheme infinitely superior to the evanescent declamations of political fanatics, because supported on the immovable basis of liberty, humanity, and religion. We have thus introduced our brief notice of the pamphlet before us, that our motives may not be misrepresented, and that we may not be suspected of being the advocates or apologists of the slave trade, nor the enemies of African freedom. And yet we fearlessly proclaim ourselves the advocates of the American Colonization Society, notwithstanding the censorious, vulgar, and abusive epithets, employed by Mr. Garrison, in this bitter tirade against many of the noblest and most benevolent men in the land, and against an institution which has been justly styled a circle of philanthropy, every segment of which tells and testifies to the beneficence of the whole. And indeed we confess we have never perused a publication with such unmingled sensations of indignation and disgust; scarcely modified indeed by that pity and commiseration, ordinarily felt for those whom ignorance, sophistry, and prejudice, have so miserably duped. Such a compound of egotism, vulgarity, cant, bordering even on profanity, we have seldom seen, disfiguring so much clean white paper, and deforming the regular proportions of a volume so well printed and gotten up in its mechanical execution. 'Tis true, a pity; and pity 'tis, 'tis true.' 6 Of the author we confess we know but little, and with him we have little to do, since the book, and not Mr. Garrison, is the subject of our review; and yet he himself makes so prominent a part of his book, that it would be unpardonable to withhold him a passing tribute. The first paragraph in his book almost petrifies the reader; we will therefore insert it, after this admonition, which is kindly given, and, as will be perceived, is called for. In attacking the system of slavery, I clearly foresaw all that has happened to ME. I knew at the commencement, that My motives would be impeached, MY warnings ridiculed, MY person persecuted, My sanity doubted, my life jeoparded :—but the clank of the prisoner's chains broke upon мY ear-it entered deeply into my soul-I looked up to heaven for strength to sustain ME in the perilous work of emancipation-and MY resolution was taken.' To parse this sentence syntactically, it will be perceived that little else is necessary than to understand the first person singular, and to repeat the rule thirteen times over in seven lines, and a similar peculiarity, to a greater or less extent, will be found to characterize almost every original paragraph in the book. And it will be seen that not merely the verbiage, but the sentiment, is thus egotistic throughout. The sentence thus quoted, which introduces the whole, may be translated thus:-The author publishes a newspaper which is circulated extensively among our colored population, called the Liberator; and in delivering his testimony against slavery and the slave trade, he happened to violate the laws of the state and of the country, either in his paper, or some other kindred publication, and subjected himself to imprisonment therefor; whether justly or unjustly, the American Colonization Society has no more to do with it than the Anti-Slavery Society of Mr. Garrison's own projecting. It is therefore difficult to discover what this touching narrative has to do with Thoughts on African Colonization.' But as we progress in the thoughts' we shall be struck with their monotonous and synonomous character, thus, I! have counted the cost.' 'I! shall deal with the society.' My! warfare is against the American Colonization Society.' 'I! formerly approved of it, but My! approval was the offspring of ignorance and credulity.' 'So much for MY! marvellous apostasy.' But we forbear, after selecting these from among fifty others in the first two or three pages of this marvellously important personage, from whose claims, distinction, worth, and persecutions, the readers of his book must be all the while inseparable, for the personal pronoun I is used no less than sixty times in the first five pages of the book, beside me, my, mine, &c, too frequently to be worth estimating, and so for the most part throughout the book. The dedication is to my countrymen, in whose intelligence, magnanimity, and humanity, I place the utmost reliance,' and after this smooth compliment the author adds, 'They have long suffered themselves to be swayed by a prejudice as unmanly as it is wicked,' notwithstanding the utmost reliance' was just placed in their intelligence, magnanimity, and humanity! Who his countrymen are, possessing these varied attributes, this description does not enable us to say. We presume, therefore, that the dedication is to the personage, whose prominence in the book has been already adverted to, and who himself compares to Wilberforce, Pitt, Fox, Clarkson, Paul, and even to Jesus Christ, and declares that in this momentous investigation' he has sought that knowledge which cannot err.' Such arrogance and profanity must shock every reader of the book, whether white or colored. In the introductory remarks, which occupy thirty-eight pages of this meagre book, the author commences his attack upon the American Colonization Society, by declaring that the superstructure of the society rests upon the following pillars:-1. Persecution. 2. Falsehood. 3. Cowardice. 4. Infidelity; and in allusion to the present pamphlet he says, 'If I do not prove the Colonization Society to be a creature, |