from France, Spain, Holland, and America, will in another year be all ruined, for they will find none but Flemish ships upon the ocean. With the greatest respect, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

TO THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.

DEAR SIR,

Passy, 24 July, 1782.

In answer to your questions, Mr. Oswald is doing nothing, having neither powers nor instructions; and, being tired of doing nothing, has despatched a courier requesting leave to return. He has, I believe, received no letters, since I saw you, from Lord Shelburne. Mr Grenville's return hither is, I think, doubtful, as he was particularly connected in friendship with Mr. Fox, but, if he stays, I suppose some other will be sent, for I do not yet see sufficient reason to think they would abandon the negotiation, though, from some appearances, I imagine they are more intent upon dividing us, than upon making a general peace. I have heard nothing further from Mr. Laurens, nor received any paper from him respecting Lord Cornwallis. And since that General's letter, written after the battle of Camden, and ordering not only the confiscation of rebels' estates, but the hanging of prisoners, has been made public, I should not wonder, if the Congress were to disallow our absolution of his parole, and recall him to America. With everlasting esteem and respect, I am, dear Sir, yours most affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN.

FROM DAVID HARTLEY TO B. FRANKLIN.

Mr. Townshend appointed Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.

MY DEAR FRIEND,

London, 26 July, 1782.

You will have heard before you receive this, that Mr. Thomas Townshend is appointed Secretary of State for that department to which the American correspondence belongs. He is, and has been for many years, one of my most intimate friends. A more honorable and honest man does not exist. I have been requested, in connexion with him, to undertake one branch of his office relating to America, as instrumental to some necessary arrangements in the course of a negotiation for peace with America. The point which I have been requested to undertake is the case, or rather the diversity of cases, of the American refugees.

I understand, that, in the progress of this business, I shall be referred to a correspondence with you, as matter may arise. My purpose, therefore, for the present is only to advertise you of this, in case you should have any preliminary matter to give or receive elucidation upon. I am very ready to undertake any matter, which may be necessary or instrumental towards peace, especially in connexion with my worthy friend Mr. Townshend.

You know all my principles upon American pacification, and sweet reconciliation. I shall always remain in the same. But the delegation of a single point to me, such as the case of the refugees, does not entitle me to advise upon the great outlines or principles of such pacific negotiations. I shall retain my full reservation in such points as events may justify. My

personal motive for saying this to you is obvious. But, in point of justice to those who have at present the direction of public measures in this country, I must request, that this caution of mine may be accepted only as personal to myself, and not as inferential upon the conduct of others, where I am not a party. Having taken a zealous part in the principles and negotiations of peace, I wish to stand clear from any collateral constructions, which might affect myself, and at the same time not to impose any collateral or inferential constructions upon others.

God prosper the work of peace and good will (as the means of peace) among men. I am ever your affectionate friend,

D. HARTLEY.

FROM THE EARL OF GRANTHAM TO B. FRANKLIN.

Sincerity of the Ministry. Mr. Fitzherbert.

SIR,

Whitehall, 26 July, 1782.

As the first object of my wishes is to contribute to the establishment of an honorable and lasting peace, I address myself to you without ceremony, upon the conviction that you agree with me in this principle. If I was not convinced that it was also the real system of the ministers of this country, I should not now be coöperating with them. The step they had already taken, in sending Mr. Grenville to Paris, is a proof of their intentions; and, as that gentleman does not return to his station there, I trust that the immediate appointment of a person to succeed him, will testify my agreement to the principles upon which he was employed. I therefore beg leave to recommend Mr. Fitz

herbert* to your acquaintance, who has the King's commands to repair to Paris.

As I have not the advantage of being known to you, I can claim no pretence for my application to you, but my public situation, and my desire to merit your confidence upon a subject of so much importance, as a pacification between the parties engaged in a calamitous war. I have the honor to be, with great regard, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,

GRANTHAM.

FROM THE EARL OF SHELBURNE TO B. FRANKLIN. Shelburne House, 27 July, 1782.

SIR,

I am much obliged by the honor of your letter of the 12th instant. You do me the most acceptable justice, in supposing my happiness intimately connected with that of mankind, and I can with truth assure you it will give me great satisfaction, in every situation, to merit the continuance of your good opinion. I have the honor to be, with very sincere regard and esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant, SHELBURNE.

FROM COUNT DE VERGENNES TO B. FRANKLIN.

Doubts as to the Sincerity of the British Ministry in proposing a Negotiation of Peace.

Translation.

SIR,

Versailles, 28 July, 1782.

I have received the letter which you did me the honor to write on the 24th instant, and the two pa

Alleyne Fitzherbert, afterwards created Lord St. Helens.

pers sent at the same time. The contradictions, which these contain, are worthy of remark. Not only they destroy each the effect of the other, but they are both in manifest opposition to the ministerial declarations made by Mr. Grenville.

It appears, that Lord Shelburne has more in view to produce a division between the King and the United States, than to promote a just and durable peace; but we must believe that he cannot long avoid being convinced, that his plan is essentially a mistaken one, and that there is no time to be lost in changing it, if peace is the object for which he is solicitous.

As to the King, Sir, good faith, and the fidelity which he owes to his allies, will be the invariable guide of his conduct; for justice and moderation will ever lie at the foundation of the system of pacific measures adopted by his Majesty. If the English ministers are disposed to act in obedience to these principles, they can easily succeed in restoring peace upon reasonable conditions; but, if they continue constantly changing their views and measures, if they desire intrigue rather than serious negotiation, they run the risk of committing themselves gratuitously, and of voluntarily prolonging the calamities of war.

It is to Lord Shelburne, however, who now has the direction of affairs in England, that it properly belongs to make these reflections. We can only hope, that they may not escape his sagacity, and wait until that minister informs us in what manner he intends to pursue the negotiation begun with Mr. Grenville, or to follow up the answer lately given by the English ministry to the courts of Vienna and St. Petersburg. I have the honor to be, with great sincerity, Sir, &c. DE VERGENNES.