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I do not expect that. You may be assured, that I have and shall continue to enforce every argument in the most conciliatory manner to induce a negotiation. I am very sorry for Mr. Alexander's confinement, on his own account, and on that of his friends, and because probably, in the future state of this business, his personal exertions may be very serviceable in the cause of peace. Every assistance and every exertion of mine will always be most heartily devoted to that cause. I have nothing further to add, either upon my own reflections or from my subsequent conversations with Mr. Alexander, to what I have stated in the foregoing letter. If we once make a good beginning upon the plan there stated, I should hope, that such a negotiation, founded on such principles, would promise fair to produce every salutary and pacific consequence in the D. H.

event.

Remarks on the Conciliatory Bill.

In the title and preamble of the bill, the words Provinces of North America are used as general words, neither implying dependence nor independence.

CLAUSE I. The Truce is taken from the Conciliatory Act of 1778, and is indefinite as to the proposed duration of the truce. Under this clause it might be proposed to negotiate three points, viz. the removal of the British troops from the Thirteen Provinces of North America, and, connectedly with this article, a stipulation for the security of the friends of the British government. The third article might be a stipulation, that the respective parties, during the continuance of the truce, should not either directly or indirectly give assistance to the enemies of each other.

CLAUSE II. Articles of Intercourse and Pacification. Under this clause some arrangements might be settled

for establishing a free and mutual intercourse, civil and commercial, between Great Britain and the aforesaid Provinces of North America.

CLAUSE III. Suspension of certain Acts of Parliament. By this clause a free communication may be kept open between the two countries, during the negotiation for peace, without stumbling against any claim of rights, which might draw into contest the question of dependence or independence.

CLAUSE IV. The Ratification by Parliament. The object of this clause is to consolidate peace and conciliation, step by step, as the negotiation may proceed; and to prevent, as far as possible, any return of war, after the first declaration of a truce. By the operation of this clause, a temporary truce may be converted into a perpetual and permanent peace.

CLAUSE V. A Temporary Act. This clause, creating a temporary act for a specific purpose of negotiation in view, is taken from the act of 1778.

FROM PROFESSOR EMBSER TO B. FRANKLIN.

SIR,

Bipontine Edition of the Classics.

Translation.

Deux Ponts, 6 January, 1782.

It is not to the avenger of America, nor to the minister of a nation, which has dared to defend so gloriously the sacred rights of humanity, that I address this letter, but to the illustrious sage, who, having long been distinguished in the republic of letters, has been also the light of a new hemisphere, which owes so much to him for its moral and civil existence. Your Excellency will permit me to mention to you an establishment, which, from its origin, has always met with great favor.

We have undertaken to publish in succession, by subscription, a complete collection of ancient Roman authors, of the same size, type, and paper. Twentyfour volumes have already appeared, and the whole collection may be finished in three or four years; a printing press having been put up for that especial purpose. We have also begun the publication of a selection of Greek authors, of the same size, with a Latin translation. The first and second volumes are published, containing the first books of Plato.

I know very well, that the political troubles of America, which is resisting the attacks of a powerful people, jealous of its greatness and glory, prevent that nation from now yielding to the delights of the Muses. But perhaps peace is not far distant. In the hope that your Excellency may be disposed to promote our enterprise, I will mention, that we can engage to deliver in Paris the Latin volumes for forty sols each, and the Greek for four livres. Nothing could be more encouraging for us, than to receive the approbation of Franklin, and to contribute, in however small a measure, to the greatness of a rising world, which is shaking off the chains, the prejudices, and the slavery of our

own.

We hope your Excellency will receive with favor these proposals, which come from a society of men of letters, whose views are entirely disinterested and solely prompted by a regard for youth, and will condescend to take them into consideration. Being persuaded, that you will excuse the liberty I have taken, I have the honor to be, with the most profound respect, &c. EMBSER,

Professor in the Ducal College.*

• Dr. Franklin became a subscriber to the Bipontine edition of the

FROM ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.

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Suggestions respecting the general Terms of Peace.— Boundaries. Fisheries. Loyalists. Restoration of Records and Papers.

DEAR SIR,

Philadelphia, 7 January, 1782.

As it does not appear improbable, that the humiliation and misfortunes of Great Britain may produce the same sentiments, which a spirit of moderation dictates to the other belligerent powers, and lead her to concur with them in their wishes for peace, it cannot be improper to acquaint you with the objects America most wishes to attain, and to furnish you with the arguments on which they found their claim to them. For such is the confidence, not only in the justice of His Most Christian Majesty, but in his friendship, that they firmly persuade themselves, that he will not only pre

Classics, as appears by another letter from Professor Embser to him. The following is an extract.

"We obey your Excellency's orders, in forwarding through Mr. Grand, of Paris, the twenty-six volumes of the complete collection of ancient Roman authors, published up to this time, and one volume of the Greek, for the sum of fifty-five livres of France. We hope, that these works will merit your Excellency's approbation. You will remark a difference in the execution, which arises from the circumstance of the first volume having been printed before the establishment of a printing office especially for the purpose. We have thought, that our principal object, for the benefit of youth, should be to give the text according to the best editions, printed with great correctness, and furnished at the lowest possible price; and we have spared no pains to effect it. Each work begins with a life of the author, a literary notice, and a catalogue of editions, and is always followed by the necessary indexes.

"The second volume of Plato, which is finished, could not be sent with this parcel, because we have not yet received the engraving. But it will be delivered with Quintus Curtius and Lucretius, which are now in the press, with the twelfth volume of Cicero."— Deux Ponts, May 9th, 1782.

serve for them their undoubted rights, but that he will even go so far, as to procure for them those advantages they may reasonably demand on the close of a successful war; and I am perfectly satisfied, that the loose hints, that a detail of their sentiments may afford you and our other Commissioners, will be strengthened and improved by your lights in such manner, as to come before his Majesty in the most advantageous form.

The first point of discussion will be the limits of the United States. The instructions given to Mr. Adams * explain the wishes of Congress on that subject; nor can they admit of many doubts, except so far as they relate to our southern extent; the boundary between us and Canada being very well ascertained by grants, charters, proclamations, and other acts of government, and more particularly by the settlements of people, who are engaged in the same cause with us, and who have the same rights with the rest of the subjects of the United States.

Our western and northwestern extent will probably be contested with some warmth, and the reasoning on that subject be deduced from general principles, and from proclamations and treaties with the Indians.

The subject is undoubtedly intricate and delicate; yet, upon candid investigation, I believe it will appear, that our extension to the Mississippi is founded in justice; and that our claims are at least such as the events of the war give us a right to insist upon. Your situation furnishing you amply with the various documents on which Great Britain founded her claim to all the country east of the Mississippi previous to the treaty of Paris, I will not trouble you with references to them,

* See Secret Journal of Congress, Vol. II. p. 225.

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