to America from her allies, not to drag her through a war of European resentments and jealousies, beyond her original views and engagements; and, moreover, I think the separation of the causes in the negotiation promises much the shortest road to a general peace.

Upon Mr. Alexander's opening thus much to me, I told him, I would apply for the earliest opportunity of laying these matters before the minister. Accordingly on Friday morning, December the 21st, I applied, through the means of the Earl of Guildford, father to Lord North; a nobleman of a most respectable character, advanced in years, and attached by every possible tie to a son now in the most arduous situation. I therefore requested the favor through his hands, as giving me the most conciliatory access to the minister, to whom I was preparing to make an application for peace. After the appointment was made with Lord North for Friday evening, I returned to Mr. Alexander, to consider the specific manner and terms in which I should make my application. It had occurred to me, from what Mr. Alexander had stated to me, that the Conciliatory Bill,* which I had moved in the last Parliament, on the 27th of June, 1780, would still serve as a foundation to proceed upon; I therefore carried it with me.

He told me, that he and you knew the sense of the bill very well, and that it would be entirely consonant to your sentiments, that I should state it to Lord North, as drawing an outline for a negotiation of peace. However, to avoid all errors, I read the bill through to him, and explained the view of each clause, viz. the style of Provinces of North America, a general phrase, to

See this Bill in the Diplomatic Correspondence, Vol. III. p. 157; and Remarks on the same, p. 267.

avoid any term denoting dependence or independence; the truce for an indefinite term; the articles of intercourse for ten years certain; to restore an amicable correspondence, and to abate animosities; the suspension of certain acts of Parliament; to avoid every possible question of dependence or independence; and to finish the work by a ratification of each article of intercourse as agreed to, thereby to prevent all possible return of war. I compared the articles of intercourse for a short term, and their ratification into a permanent peace, to a well known mode of proceeding in the laws of England, by lease and release, from temporary to perpetual amity and peace.

Upon these grounds, I took my commission from him for Lord North, viz. the question of dependence or independence sub silentio, a separate treaty with America, and to state the Conciliatory Bill of June, 1780, as the outline of negotiation. I saw Lord North in the evening, and stated the foregoing propositions to him, as I have now stated them to you. After having stated the compromise sub silentio and the separate treaty, I left with Lord North the copy of the bill of June, 1780, together with a paper, entitled Conciliatory Propositions, as explanatory of that bill, both enclosed with this. The next morning, viz. Saturday, December the 22d, I saw Mr. Alexander, and reported to him what I had stated to Lord North, and showed him a copy of the paper, entitled Conciliatory Propositions. He told me, that I had executed my commission perfectly to his intelligence of the matter. I should tell you, that, at the conclusion of my conversation with Lord North, we both settled jointly the result thus ; "I recommend to your Lordship the propositions, which I have had the honor of stating to you, as general grounds of a proposed negotiation, leading towards

peace, under liberal constructions." Lord North said, in answer, "So I understand them."

Upon this footing matters rested for some days. On Sunday last, December the 30th, I received a message from Lord North, through the means of Lord Guildford, requesting an explanation of this point, viz. "Who is authorized to treat on the part of America? whether you or Mr. Adams, or both jointly; and whether the propositions above stated would be acknowledged, as general grounds of negotiation towards peace, by the person or persons authorized to treat; because it was necessary, before he could lay a matter of so great importance before the Cabinet Council, that he should be entitled to say, these propositions and general outlines come to me from responsible and authorized persons." The moment I received the request of Lord North, I agreed entirely with the necessity of an explanation on that head. I had partly expected such an inquiry, and it gave me satisfaction when it came, as I thought it the first reply towards a parley. If the propositions had not gained some attention, it would have been of very little importance to have inquired whence they came. As to the caution itself, it appears to me not only prudent but indispensable. The forms of caution in such cases are the essentials of caution. I had determined on my own account before this message to have written to you, that I might have received your sentiments directly from yourself without any other intervention, that we might proceed with caution and certainty in a matter of such infinite importance. This message has only quickened my despatch. The two points of explanation requested, I take to be these; whether the outlines above recited are properly stated, always considering that they imply no further than general grounds of negotiation towards

peace, under liberal constructions; and, secondly, by what authorized person or persons any answer on this subject would be accepted; in short, a requisition of credentials preparatory to a formal answer, which is so much the more necessary on the supposition of a favorable reception of the first hint towards negotiation. When I last saw Mr. Alexander, viz. about four or five days ago, he had met with some desponding impressions, as if the ministry were indisposed to peace, and that things would not do, &c. He did not tell me upon what ground he had formed such apprehension; however, lest he should have imparted any such by letter to you, I will state that point to you, because it may have infinite ill consequences to be too touchy on such occasions. A premature jealousy may create the very evil it suspects. The ministry in this country are not every thing. The sense of the people, when really expressed and exerted, would be most prevalent. Suppose then it were a proved point, that every man in the ministry were in his heart adverse to peace. What then? Withhold all overtures? By no means. I should advise the very contrary in the strongest manner. I should say, let the overtures be made so much the more public and explicit by those who do wish for peace. It is the unfortunate state of things, which has hitherto bound the cause of France to any possible treaty with America, and which has thereby thrown a national damp upon any actual public exertions to procure a negotiation for peace with America. I have the strongest opinion, that if it were publicly known to the people of England, that a negotiation might be opened with America, upon the terms above specified, that all the ministry together, if they were ill disposed to a man, would not venture to thwart such a measure.

But why should it be supposed, that the ministry,

to a man, are ill disposed to a peace? Suppose them to be half and half, and the public wish and voice of the people in favor of negotiation, it is evident on which side the balance would incline. But why should we seek to throw a damp prematurely upon any chance? Why presume even against any individual? I grant, that it would be a bitter trial of humility to be brought to a formal recognition of independence at the haughty command of France, and I believe every part of the nation would proceed to every extremity before they would submit to that. But, if that touchy point can be provided for sub silentio, and if the proposed treaty with America may be carried on free from control by France, let us give the cause of peace a fair trial; at the worst we should be but where we were, if we should fail. But why should we expect to fail, when the greatest rub is removed, by the liberty of entering separately into a treaty? I think it a most favorable event, leading towards peace. Give us a truce with its concomitants, and a little time so given for cooling will have most excellent effects on both sides. Eternal peace and conciliation may then follow.

I send this to you by the quickest despatch, that we may bring this point to a fair issue before the meeting of Parliament. God prosper the blessed work of peace. I am ever yours most affectionately,

D. HARTLEY.

P. S. January 8th, 1782. Since writing this letter, I have seen Mr. Alexander, and shall see him from time to time to communicate with him. I do not suppose I shall have an answer from Lord North, till the preliminary points are so settled, as to enable him to give an answer in form. The ministry might undoubtedly give a short negative, if they thought proper; but