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first and earlier speeches contained long as the sanction of the Imperial the true expression of their feel- Parliament (the Irish being always ings, they would stand on vantage- fully represented therein) is reground from which hereafter to quired, no harm can be done to carry out their intentions, if they imperial unity, and the balance had a subservient Parliament and will be fairly held between the an executive (as proposed by Mr different Irish interests and creeds. Gladstone) under their control. But once given an Irish ParliaBut granted that they do not wish ment, and the groundwork is laid for separation. In that case, if for innumerable further demands Ireland is still to be joined with and interminable difficulties which us, and if the people of the four it will be found impossible to precountries-England, Scotland, Ire- vent. If the control of the execuland, and Wales—are still to be tive is not also given, an immeconsidered as one, surely the ques- diate and powerful agitation will tion of their government by one accompany the calling into existor more Parliaments becomes a ence of the Parliament. Then it question of convenience, to be de- will be asked why the financial cided according to the feelings and power permitted to

6 Grattan's wishes of the whole, and not only Parliament” is to be removed from of one part of the population. If the newly constituted Irish Legiswe are to be, as we have been, a tature? As time goes on, there united people, and if the conveni- will be continual efforts (and natuence of the whole people is to be ral efforts beyond doubt) to remove considered, surely it would be, as this and that restriction--continMr Bright says, “an intolerable ual attempts to enlarge the powers mischief” to have two Parliaments and increase the area of action prein one country; and we are further scribed for the Irish Parliament; inclined to agree with him that and such attempts will in all pro“no sensible man can wish for the bability be followed by agitation two within the limits of the pres- such as that to which Mr Gladstone ent United Kingdom, who does has taught British Governments to not wish the United Kingdom to yield. It will be remembered, too, become two or more nations en- that as all these demands will be tirely separate from each other." made in the name of Liberty and

We take, then, the one great Justice to Ireland, backed by the and essential difference between cry of equality for the four counUnionists and Separatists to be tries, and supported by the native the question whether there shall eloquence in which Irishmen are or shall not be a separate Par- so proficient, they will undoubtedly liament for Ireland. Everything be popular with Irish constituenhangs upon the word Parliament. cies, and will in all probability The question of a separate ex- command a majority in the Irish ecutive is immensely important, Parliament. If there is a separbut that of a Parliament is still ate Irish Government, how is it more so; and for this reason. If to exist save by concession to Irish this demand be steadily refused, demands? And hence arises anlocal relief may be given, the de- other question. velopment and extension of self- At present the "Irish nation” government essayed, and institu- is fully represented in the Parliations freely altered to meet Irish ment of Great Britain. If, upon wishes and Irish requirements. So any Irish question, they are out

un

the present moment clearly under- Two objects are evidently in the stand what it is we intend, upon Gladstonian mind--first, to win what ground we take our stand, back some of the revolted suband what is the great and essential jects; secondly, even if this prodifference between ourselves and ject should fail, to sow seeds of our opponents. It is all the more discord between the Whig and necessary on account of the new Radical Unionists.

We speak phase of the question upon which with respect of the Knights of the we have recently entered.

Round Table who have lately met During the last general election, in fraternal discussion, but we do no term was too harsh to be ap- not believe that their conference plied by the Gladstonians to those can do anything else than accentuUnionists whom they designated ate the differences which divide by the title of “ Dissentient Lib- them. It cannot be so, indeed, erals.” From the ex-Premier him- without a loss of political characself down to the humblest of his ter on one side or the other ; befollowers, the Liberal Unionists cause those differences, as we were made the target for scorn derstand them, are essentially difand the object of their bitterest op- ferences of principle, and not of position. But things have changed. detail.

The real fundamental Just as the fact that the Tories question which divides men upon and Nationalists, if voting in the this Irish matter is the question same lobby, constituted a majority whether or no the Irish--or, to put in the Parliament elected in 1885, it more fairly, the Queen's subjects created in Mr Gladstone's mind a resident in Ireland--are to be conreason for declaring that adhesion sidered as a separate nation, or as to Home Rule which, up to that part and parcel of the thirty-six moment, he had so carefully con- or thirty-seven millions who form cealed from his nearest and dear- the population of Great Britain est political friend; so, in the and Ireland. It must not be forminds of reflective Gladstonians, gotten that up to the very moment arose the necessity of an alteration of Mr Gladstone's declaration in in their demeanour towards “ Lib- favour of Home Rule, the leaders eral Unionists,” so soon as it ap- of the " Nationalists" had been peared, after the election of 1886, loudly advocating separation from that the presence of the latter in Great Britain, the banishment of the Tory lobby would afford a the “Saxon " from Ireland, the majority over the combination of raising of the green flag" instead Radicals and Parnellites who would of the Union-jack, and the right follow Mr Gladstone. Therefore it of Ireland to "take her place is that a milder tone has been adopt- among the nations of the earth." ed towards at least a portion of the We repeat that this must not be Liberal Unionists: “Liberal re- forgotten ; because, although these union" has been whispered in their sentiments are disavowed,

as something not altogether and we are as loudly told by the incompatible with that “unity of same men that Ireland does not the empire" to which they are desire separation from England, pledged, and a readiness has been we must use our own judgment as avowed to modify any and every to whether we will believe these detail—if not any and every princi- gentlemen's speeches before or ple—which could stand in the way after December 1885, and must of so blessed a consummation. remember that if, after all, the

now

ears

a

first and earlier speeches contained long as the sanction of the Imperial the true expression of their feel- Parliament (the Irish being always ings, they would stand on vantage- fully represented therein) is reground from which hereafter to quired, no harm can be done to carry out their intentions, if they imperial unity, and the balance had a subservient Parliament and will be fairly held between the an executive (as proposed by Mr different Irish interests and creeds. Gladstone) under their control. But once given an Irish ParliaBut granted that they do not wish ment, and the groundwork is laid for separation. In that case, if for innumerable further demands Ireland is still to be joined with and interminable difficulties which us, and if the people of the four it will be found impossible to precountries-England, Scotland, Ire- vent. If the control of the execuland, and Wales—are still to be tive is not also given, an immeconsidered as one, surely the ques. diate and powerful agitation will tion of their government by one accompany the calling into existor more Parliaments becomes ence of the Parliament. Then it question of convenience, to be de- will be asked why the financial cided according to the feelings and power permitted to “Grattan's wishes of the whole, and not only Parliament” is to be removed from of one part of the population. If the newly constituted Irish Legiswe are to be, as we have been, a tature ? As time goes on, there united people, and if the conveni- will be continual efforts (and natuence of the whole people is to be ral efforts beyond doubt) to remove considered, surely it would be, as this and that restriction--continMr Bright says, “an intolerable ual attempts to enlarge the powers mischief” to have two Parliaments and increase the area of action prein one country; and we are further scribed for the Irish Parliament ; inclined to agree with him that and such attempts will in all pro“no sensible man can wish for the bability be followed by agitation two within the limits of the pres- such as that to which Mr Gladstone ent United Kingdom, who does has taught British Governments to not wish the United Kingdom to yield. It will be remembered, too, become two or more nations en- that as all these demands will be tirely separate from each other." made in the name of Liberty and

We take, then, the one great Justice to Ireland, backed by the and essential difference between cry of equality for the four counUnionists and Separatists to be tries, and supported by the native the question whether there shall eloquence in which Irishmen are or shall not be a separate Par- so proficient, they will undoubtedly liament for Ireland. Everything be popular with Irish constituenhangs upon the word Parliament. cies, and will in all probability The question of a separate ex- command a majority in the Irish ecutive is immensely important, Parliament. If there is a separbut that of a Parliament is still ate Irish Government, how is it more so; and for this reason. If to exist save by concession to Irish this demand be steadily refused, demands? And hence arises anlocal relief may be given, the de- other question. velopment and extension of self

At present the " Irish nation' government essayed, and institu- is fully represented in the Parliations freely altered to meet Irish ment of Great Britain. If, upon wishes and Irish requirements. So any Irish question, they are outvoted, they go away grumbling, and “the Plan of Campaign " must be declare that “a parcel of British faced and repressed; and the Govignoramuses" have defeated them. ernment may confidently rely upon But suppose that upon any ques- the support of public opinion in tion passed by the Irish Parlia- their efforts to do so. If we should ment the Legislature of Great unfortunately live to see an Irish Britain should feel bound to take Parliament and an Irish executive adverse action, the anger and in Dublin, the duty of the British bitterness will surely be much Government would still remain, greater and more intense when a but its difficulty in the performdecision of their own Parliament ance of that duty would be enorhas been reversed, than it now mously increased. It is, then, is when Irish representatives are this idea of a Parliament which simply outvoted in an assembly must be resolutely opposed, and wherein they are fully represented, which constitutes the first great and after the question under dis- difference between us and our opcussion has been well debated, with ponents. It is idle to reiterate every opportunity afforded them the old, old question, “Why not to urge and impress their views let the Irish

manage

their own upon their colleagues. That this affairs ?” The plain and simple might easily happen may be sup- answer is, that the Irish have no posed from the language we. read more affairs of their own, requiring of as employed with regard to the parliamentary management, than land question in Ireland. Only the inhabitants of any English or the other day Mr Dillon boldly Scottish county; and those which stated that the land had been do require such management must “rubbed from the children of Ire- be managed by the United Parlialand” by the fathers of the present ment as long as we are a united landlords, from whom they “would country. There is no

one argutake it." These words, taken with ment in favour of a separate Irish others, and considered together Parliament which does not logiwith the action of the League, and cally and legitimately lead to the the intentions expressed to “abol- demand for complete separation. ish landlordism," indicate a feel- Take, for instance, Sir Charles ing among those who are likely to Russell's grandiloquent expression, exercise great influence over the that what the Home-Rulers depeople of Ireland, which bodes but mand is “government for the peolittle good to the ordinary princi- ple by the people." No such thing. ples of common justice and legal- If we are a united people, what ity which prevail in this country. Sir Charles Russell demands is Yet if these principles are to be that the four or five million in set at defiance in Ireland, it will Ireland should set up a Governbe the bounden duty of Great Bri- ment for themselves by themselves, tain to interfere, and hence may which may, and probably would be, and probably will arise compli- a Government very much at varications of which

ance with the wishes and opinions foresee the end.

of the vast majority of the united If the present Government have population. Of course, if Ireland erred at all, it has not been on the is to be considered a separate side of severity in enforcing the people, the demand would assume law in Ireland. The law must another complexion; but this is be enforced ; such iniquities as what is indignantly denied. Again,

no

man

can

take Lord Rosebery's somewhat battle is over. We have powerful supercilious question, “Is there adversaries with whom to contend;

, any geographical limit to repre- and inasmuch as self-interest is a sentative institutions ?" Certainly potent motive with mankind, we there is, in the sense in which the must not forget to take into acquestion is applicable to the de- count that there are many Liberal mand for an Irish Parliament. Unionists who will be strongly If Ireland is united with Great tempted to accept any compromise Britain, and part of our home which may restore them to the empire, we do not require two Par- comfortable position of members liaments therein, and a similar de- of a united Liberal party. There mand might as well be made from can be little doubt that such comLancashire or Yorkshire. If Ire- promises will be attempted and land is a separate nation, the ques- offered. They can best be detion is of course to be answered feated by keeping before the eyes after a different fashion.

of the public generally, and the We have thus endeavoured to Liberal Unionists in particular, point out, in a few words, what the special issues to which we seems to us to be the great rally- have adverted, and the great prining-point of the Unionist party. ciples which form our legitimate Much more might be written, and bond of union. During the recess, many other arguments adduced we may be well satisfied that we upon the subject, but we have have held our

Orators of said enough to show how clear different calibre have delivered adand how great is the difference dresses upon both sides of the between us and our opponents, question in many different parts and how fair and just a ground of the country; but, so far as we we have upon which Liberal and have seen, in oratory as well as Tory Unionists may stand shoulder in literature, the Unionist cause to shoulder in the combat before has had decidedly the best of it. us. For we must not delude our- The historical case of the Separselves with the belief that the atists has practically disappeared ;!

own.

1 Although this is undoubtedly true, it is unfortunately the fact that many errors as regards the history of the past are still to be found in quarters in which accuracy would be expected, and such errors, if uncontradicted, become accepted as facts. For instance, in Whitaker's Almanack for the present year, p. 303, under the heading, “ The Kingdom of Ireland,” we find it stated that, “ Although Ireland was annexed in 1170, it was not properly brought under English rule until the time of William III., and even then was permitted to retain a certain amount of apparent independence, one of the most cherished forms of which was the native Parliament which existed for more than three hundred years, and was extinguished at the time of the Union in 1801.” It is partly upon the supposed existence of a “native” Parliament that the demand is now made for a separate Parliament for Ireland, and therefore it is important to bear in mind that it is absolutely untrue that such a Parliament ever existed. Up to the time of James I., the only thing resembling a Parliament was the convention of British settlers within “the Pale,” summoned at the pleasure of the British sovereign; then came the Parliament established by James I. to consolidate his own power; and the Parliament subsequent to the accession of William III. was still so contrary to a “native Parliament,” that it was confined exclusively to Protestants, and the Catholics, who numbered at least three-fourths of the population, could not sit in that Parliament, nor (until 1793) even vote at the election of its members. To speak of a “native Parliament ” having existed in Ireland for upwards of three hundred years, is therefore to state that which is contrary to historical

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