sider, that in society there will always be a great number, who, from their natural propensities or peculiar situation, must feel a direct interest in the overturning of actual establishments.

Here then is a constant cause, which must have its effect, and produce a constant and persevering effort to destroy the constitution. The acting individuals will change forever, but the action will forever be the same. As in a siege, the bullets are successive, but the direction and operation continual. How are we to obviate the fatal consequences of this evil, which is unavoidably interwoven into all possible societies? We may venture to say with geometric certitude, that to a force. constantly acting, a similar force must be opposed. To balance this permanent interest, another must be raised equally permanent. An order of men with distinct privileges will feel a constant and regular desire to prevent innovations and change. But a hundred mouths are open to exclaim, why prevent any change? Have not the people a right to alter the constitution and laws as they think proper?

Such questions require no answer with men acquainted with affairs, and to others it is difficult to give an answer which will be understood. Perhaps it is best to ask this other question, why should we have any laws at all? No man will deny, that a government greatly defective and oppressive ought to be changed, and that laws manifestly cruel and unjust ought to be abrogated. But a very little experience will convince any thinking man, that frequent variations in the law are a serious evil, and that frequent changes in the form of government are the most afflicting misfortune. From these must follow a loss of commerce, a decay of manufactures, a neglect of agriculture, and thence poverty, famine, and universal wretchedness. It is not worth while then to dispute about the inherent right, which man enjoys to plunge himself into this situation, for surely all will agree, that to exercise such right is madness in the extreme.

But another violent cry is raised from a different quarter. What beautiful and pathetic dissertations have we not heard,

藤

about the natural equality of mankind! A thing, which the writers themselves do not believe in, or they would never have taken so much pains to show their own superiority. How unjust that we are not all born Dukes! True; but still more unjust that we are not all born Kings. Is the establishment of distinct orders in a monarchy necessary to the national happiness? If it be, let the establishment be made, or being made, let it be preserved. But you complain that you do not possess nobility. The road is open. Deserve it. But many are noble who never deserve it. True. And many are rich by no better right. You will not violate the laws of property, because it is necessary to the national prosperity that they be held sacred. If then the privileges of a distinct order be equally necessary, why will you violate them? But you will not impair the rights of property; why then will you take away from the son those privileges, which his father bought? Surely the one property should be as sacred as the other. And if you respect the eminence, which was bought, can you despise that which was earned? If you acknowlege the titles paid for with gold, will you deny those which were purchased with blood?

Lastly. Examine the history of mankind, and find, if pos sible, the instance where a monarchy has existed in which the people were free without an intermediate order. If there be none such, consider the vast sum which France must stake upon a new experiment. The happiness or misery of twenty millions. But is it a new experiment? Has it not been tried? And have not events demonstrated, that all such trials terminate in despotism?

NOTE

ADDRESSED TO THE QUEEN OF FRANCE, ON THE COURSE TO BE PURSUED BY THE KING.

Translation.

January 26th, 1790.

THEY advise the King to present himself to the Assembly, and to place himself, as they say, at the head of the revolution. The trade of a revolutionist appears to me a hard one for a Prince. I did not hesitate to say directly, that it was foolish or perfidious advice. He has gathered but bitter fruits from his intercourse with the Assembly hitherto. Inaction is not only the surest course for him, but the only one which is not extremely dangerous. That they, who fear the consequences of having pushed everything to extremities, should wish to put themselves under the shelter of circumstances, under the shadow of royal authority, is all very natural. That they too, who have commenced the revolution, and who, in attaining their object, see themselves outstripped by their followers, should seek support against the violence which they have excited, is also natural. That the most cunning among them should desire to preserve, for some years, the name of Monarchy, in order the more. fully to destroy the substance, is not to be wondered at; but that the Monarch should second these schemes, that he should run headlong into the net, which they spread for him;-Alas, how much he is to be pitied!

But what must he do? Nothing. The children of the Count d'Artois are already out of the kingdom; so the royal family, being no longer entirely within the hands of its enemies, will respect what is there, for fear of what is not there. Let them alone then. In a short time everything will be shaken to its foundation, and those who have poured insult upon the

royal heads, and bitterness into their hearts, will feel in their turn the evils, which they have occasioned.

War will come at the moment, when the general weakness shall promise to the enemy a sure prey. It shall come to rescue the state, and re-establish its affairs. The finances, even in skilful hands, will be benefitted thereby. Means are not wanting to France, it is only the talent to make use of them. But let it not be supposed possible to replace things where they' were. No; France must henceforward have a wise constitution, which assures to the people all the liberty of which they are susceptible, or it must have a frightful tyranny. This last is by no means suited to a wise and benevolent King. We must then have the first, and to attain this, we need only do nothing.

Let the people become disgusted with the novelties of which they are so fond. Time changes everything, and henceforth. tranquillity will be in its turn the object most earnestly desired. Then they will come forward to meet the King, and offer him the spoils, which they have wrested from him, and it will depend on him alone to insure forever the happiness of France.

PLAN

OF A CAMPAIGN FOR FRANCE.

Written in June, 1790, and submitted at that time to General Lafayette.

In the present state of Europe, it is natural to ask;

I. Whether Peace or War be most for the interest of France?

II. Should the latter take place, a question of equal importance arises as to the manner of prosecuting it.

III. And this again is nearly connected with an inquiry into the means of supporting it.

IV. The objects to be obtained will naturally disclose themselves.

I. The fashionable rage of philanthropy bids us decide, without hesitation, against the horrors of war; but statesmen must be governed by reason, not rhetoric. To the wailings of affected sentiment we might shortly reply, that in the usual course of human affairs a war is inevitable; but the subject demands more particular attention. To form, then, a proper judgment, it will be needful to examine the situation of France; first, in regard to her interior affairs; and, secondly, as to her exterior connexions and relations.

In the former point of view, that which immediately arrests our attention, is a revolution effected as it were by magic; so easily have all ancient forms and establishments been abolished. The preponderating force, which accomplished that miracle, will naturally impress us with a sense of its greatness. But it would argue a profound ignorance of human affairs to suppose, that the same force will be exerted to support the new constitution. All those, who are in uneasy situations, readily flock to the standard of change, and there is an enthusiasm in the first pursuit of freedom, which exceeds calculation. But the instant a regular system is adopted, many of its advocates wish again for something new. Some people would change governments like fashions, from inconstancy of temper; some from the derangement of their affairs, and some from ambition. Reflection on these circumstances will show, that the discontented party must receive accessions of strength, if they have the wisdom to be quiet, till the fervor of the moment has evaporated. The interior divisions, therefore, which have been unhappily excited, demand a serious notice, and the more so from their intimate relation to the finances. These must continue in a state of wretchedness, until order shall be established. But that derangement of the finances, which first opened the way to a change of government, is now unfavorable