government, was not such as to make him desirous of their aid, as long as he could dispense with it, and he prorogued them by proclamations from time to time till the 4th of March, 1773. This Assembly is memorable for having brought forward the resolves, instituting a committee of correspondence, and recommending the same to the legislatures of the other colonies, thereby establishing channels of intelligence and a bond of union, which proved of the utmost importance to the general cause. Washington was present, and gave his hearty support to these resolves.

The next session, which took place in May, 1774, was productive of still more decisive measures. Soon after the members had come together, news reached Williamsburg of the act of Parliament for shutting up the port of Boston, and inflicting other disabilities on the inhabitants of that town, which was to take effect on the 1st of June. The sympathy and patriotic feelings of the Burgesses were strongly excited; and they forthwith passed an order, deprecating this ministerial procedure, as a hostile invasion, and setting apart the 1st of June to be observed "as a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer, to implore the Divine interposition for averting the heavy calamity, which threatened destruction to their civil rights and the evils of civil war, and to give them one heart and one mind firmly to oppose, by all just and proper means, every injury to American rights." The governor was alarmed at these symptoms, and dissolved the house the next morning.

Not to be diverted from their purpose, however, the delegates repaired immediately to the Raleigh Tavern, eighty-nine in number, organized themselves into a committee, and drew up and signed an Association, in which, after expressing in strong language their dissatisfaction with the late doings of the British Parlia

ment, and their opinion that the vital interests of all the colonies were equally concerned, they advised the Committee of Correspondence to communicate with the Committees of the other colonies, on the expediency of appointing deputies to meet in a general congress. Although the idea of a congress was in the minds of many persons throughout the continent, and had been proposed in town meetings at Boston and New York, yet this was the first public assembly by which it was formally recommended. As the governor had dissolved the legislature, and no other business seemed necessary to be done, many of the delegates returned to their homes. Such as stayed behind, attended the religious services on the day appointed for the fast. Washington writes in his Diary, that he went to church, and fasted all day."

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While they were waiting to perform this duty, letters were received from Boston, giving an account of a town meeting in that place, and a resolution to call on the inhabitants of the colonies generally to enter into an agreement, that they would hold no further commercial intercourse with Great Britain, either by imports or exports. Twenty-five of the late delegates were still in Williamsburg, among whom was Washington; and, on the 29th of May, they met to consider the subject. On one essential point they differed in opinion; and, as their number was small, they thought it not proper to determine upon any public act, which should go abroad as the presumed sense of the colony. They did no more, therefore, than state the matter clearly in a circular letter, and recommend a meeting of deputies at Williamsburg on the 1st of August, for the purpose of a more full and deliberate discussion. The circular was printed, and distributed in the several counties.

The members, who dissented from the proposition in its comprehensive form, were not satisfied as to the prohibition of exports. All agreed, that the nonimportation compact should be strictly adhered to, and even enlarged, so as to include every article not absolutely necessary for common use, and which could be obtained only from Great Britain. Exports stood on a different footing. Large debts were due to merchants in England, which could be paid in no other way than by exporting produce from the colonies. To withhold this produce was in effect a refusal to pay a just debt. Washington was strenuous on this head, and insisted, that, whatever might be done prospectively, honor and justice required a faithful discharge of all obligations previously contracted. The reply was, that the colonists, after all, were the greatest sufferers, that the English merchants could not expect an exemption from the calamities brought upon the nation by the weakness or wickedness of their rulers, and that the debts would in the end be paid. He was not convinced by this reasoning. At any rate, he was not willing to make it the basis of action, till other less objectionable methods should be found unavailing.

In conformity to the advice of the circular letter, meetings were held in the several counties, resolutions were adopted, and delegates appointed to meet in convention at Williamsburg on the 1st of August. In Fairfax County, Washington presided as chairman of the meetings, and was one of a committee to prepare a series of resolves expressive of the sense of the people. The resolves themselves, twenty-four in all, were drafted by George Mason; and they constitute one of the ablest and most luminous expositions of the points at issue between Great Britain and the colonies, which are to be found among the public

documents of that period. Embracing the great principles and facts, clothed in a nervous and appropriate style, they are equally marked with dignity, firmness, intelligence, and wisdom. They are moreover of special interest as containing the opinions of Washington at a critical time, when he was soon to be raised by his countrymen to a station of the highest trust and responsibility.

One of his friends, Mr. Bryan Fairfax, who attended the first meeting, but who could not accede to all the resolves, explained his objections and difficulties in writing. The following extracts from Washington's letters in reply exhibit his views, and the spirit by which he was animated.

"That I differ very widely from you," said he, "in respect to the mode of obtaining a repeal of the acts so much and so justly complained of, I shall not hesitate to acknowledge; and that this difference in opinion probably proceeds from the different constructions we put upon the conduct and intention of the ministry, may also be true; but, as I see nothing, on the one hand, to induce a belief, that the Parliament would embrace a favorable opportunity of repealing acts, which they go on with great rapidity to pass, in order to enforce their tyrannical system; and, on the other, I observe, or think I observe, that government is pursuing a regular plan at the expense of law and justice to overthrow our constitutional rights and liberties, how can I expect any redress from a measure, which has been ineffectually tried already? For, Sir, what is it we are contending against? Is it against paying the duty of three pence per pound on tea because burthensome? No, it is the right only, that we have all along disputed; and to this end we have already petitioned his Majesty in as humble and dutiful a manner,

as subjects could do. Nay, more, we applied to the House of Lords and House of Commons in their different legislative capacities, setting forth, that, as Englishmen, we could not be deprived of this essential and valuable part of our constitution. If, then, as the fact really is, it is against the right of taxation that we now do, and, as I before said, all along have contended, why should they suppose an exertion of this power would be less obnoxious now than formerly? And what reason have we to believe, that they would make a second attempt, whilst the same sentiments fill the breast of every American, if they did not intend to enforce it if possible?

"In short, what further proofs are wanting to satisfy any one of the designs of the ministry, than their own acts, which are uniform and plainly tending to the same point, nay, if I mistake not, avowedly to fix the right of taxation? What hope have we, then, from petitioning, when they tell us, that now or never is the time to fix the matter? Shall we, after this, whine and cry for relief, when we have already tried it in vain? Or shall we supinely sit and see one province after another fall a sacrifice to despotism?

"If I were in any doubt, as to the right which the Parliament of Great Britain had to tax us without our consent, I should most heartily coincide with you in opinion, that to petition, and petition only, is the proper method to apply for relief; because we should then be asking a favor, and not claiming a right, which, by the law of nature and by our constitution, we are, in my opinion, indubitably entitled to. I should even think it criminal to go further than this, under such an idea; but I have none such. I think the Parliament of Great Britain have no more right to put their hands into my pocket, without my consent, than I have to