JAMES MONROE.

R

CHAPTER I.

REVOLUTIONARY SERVICE-ELECTED TO CONGRESS.

EMARKABLE it is that of the five early Presidents of the United States four were natives of Virginia, born within a radius of thirty miles, on the strip of land lying between the Potomac and Rappahannock rivers, in the locality, then as now, known as the "northern neck." These four, who became so intimately connected with the events that changed the destinies of the country, and built the greatest republic in the world from the scattered and dependent colonies of Great Britain, were descended from the best blood of England; though brought up in the precept that next to their God stood the king, the inherited spirit that sought freedom of conscience in the wilderness of the new world, in them developed into defiance of oppression and injustice. The first of the Presidents was already grown to man's estate and had entered upon the active duties of life-in the lonely camp of the surveyor, or directing the hastily levied militia of the colony against the savage foe hovering on her border, and incited to acts of violence and deeds of cruelty by an alien power; Jefferson and Madison were engaged in study, the future full of promise, before them, at the time of the birth of one who was to be intimately associated with them in the stirring scenes of war, and the exciting events with the formation of the govern

ment.

James Monroe was descended from one of the early and honorable families of Virginia. He was born April 28, 1758, in the county of Westmoreland, Virginia, his father being Spence Monroe, his mother Elizabeth Jones. As was usually the case in the ancient Virginian families, he was

early encouraged to study, and while a mere youth entered the college of William and Mary. His early life was passed in the midst of the stirring scenes that preceded the declaration of independence, the stamp act being passed when he was not six years of age. The conversation of those about him, and the sentiments he heard expressed, aroused in him the same spirit of indignation at the injustice and oppression of the king and ministry that pervaded the minds and hearts of all in the commonwealth, who loved liberty and freedom. It is not strange that the hardships of war had a greater fascination for him than the tame and irksome duties of school, especially when united with devotion to the cause in which the patriots were engaged. Before the age of eighteen he left the quiet college halls and set out for the headquarters of Washington, already in the field, though the declaration of independence was but just made. He was soon commissioned lieutenant, and participated in the battles, privations, and defeats of the army during the gloom and despondency of the year 1776; at the battles of the Heights of Harlem, at White Plains, and again at Trenton, he bravely resisted the enemy. In the latter action he received a wound, the scar of which he carried during the remainder of his life. Recovery was rapid, and, returning to his command, he was commissioned captain of infantry, and again entered upon active service. His gallantry commended him to his superior officers, and during the campaigns of 1777 and 1778 he was detached an aide to General Lord Stirling. In becoming a staff officer he receded from the line of promotion, and though he distinguished himself on the fields of Brandywine, Germantown, and Monmouth, by conspicuous bravery, he could not attain to higher rank than he then held. Recognizing this fact he sought to regain his standing in the line of promotion, and with this in view endeavored to raise a regiment of troops under the recommendation of General Washington, and by authority of the legislature. That he failed in this undertaking was no fault of his own, the country at that time being well nigh drained of her able-bodied men, who had already taken up arms in defense of their liberties.

Several times he responded to the call for volunteers, in opposing the invasions of the enemy under Arnold, Cornwallis, and Tarleton, on which occasions he rendered efficient service in organizing the raw militia, on which alone the state depended for protection. After the fall of Charleston, in 1780, he was appointed military commissioner in the Carolinas, and was instructed to obtain information as to the force that could be depended upon in an effort to repel the invaders. This called for a journey to the region of country occupied by the contending armies, where he performed the duties. required of him to the satisfaction of the governor, by whom he was appointed. Following his retirement from the army, Mr. Monroe entered upon the study of law under direction of Mr. Jefferson, who was then governor of the state. Faithfully he pursued the course of study indi

cated by his preceptor, and though not engaged in active practice for any length of time, the discipline and knowledge of law he there acquired, proved of inestimable value in the legislative, diplomatic, and state questions in which he afterwards took so important a part.

His prominence in military matters, intimate connection with the governor of the commonwealth, and the standing of his family, together with his own well known worth, brought him before the people of the section in which was his home, and in 1782 he was chosen a member of the legislature by the county of King George. Taking his seat in that body, he was soon elected by his fellow-members one of the governor's executive council. Such rare tact and discrimination did he evince in the places to which he had been called, as to induce the legislature to elect him, while yet in his twenty-fourth year, a delegate to represent the state in the Congress of the confederation, immediately succeeding James Madison. The restrictions imposed by Great Britain upon commercial intercourse with her West India possessions was at this time attracting much attention from statesmen, both north and south. Soon after taking his seat in Congress, in December, 1784, Mr. Monroe wrote his predecessor, Mr. Madison, soliciting a free interchange of sentiments with regard to this question; he afterward, in 1785, brought forward a proposition for such amendment of the articles. of confederation as should vest in Congress the power of regulating commerce with foreign nations, subject to certain qualifications. He also prepared an address to the legislatures of the different states, in support of the proposition he had advanced, which was taken up by Congress, from time to time, for consideration, but was never agreed upon. A copy of this address he forwarded to Mr. Madison, with a request that he reply by letter, giving his views on the subject discussed. This request Mr. Madison complied with within a few days after receipt of the address, in a long and comprehensive letter, discussing the state of affairs without reserve, and giving utterance to some of the opinions that afterwards influenced and guided him in the convention which framed the Constitution. The acquaintance of these two was begun at Richmond a year previous to this time. This soon ripened into friendship, which grew and strengthened with their continuence in public life, and though personally opposed in some important measures, it was never suffered to diminish. Their correspondence began in November, 1774, while Mr. Monroe was in Congress at Trenton, at which time he sent Mr. Madison a cipher to be used in confidential communications, whenever deemed necessary.

Foreign relations were standing subject of discussion in the Congress at this time, the course pursued by Great Britain in refusing to surrender certain posts on the borders of the United States, as contemplated in the treaty of peace, as well as the restrictions upon commerce with the West Indies, being prominent features. The claim of Spain to exclusive control

of the waters of the Mississippi, produced a critical state of affairs with that country. Then, as now, foreign appointments were a prolific source of dissension, and almost before the formation of parties, lines began to be drawn in the appointment of foreign ministers and envoys. The friends of Mr. Jefferson proposed him as a suitable person for appointment as minister to France, where he had already passed some months as one of the commissioners to negotiate treaties of commerce with the nations of Europe. Persons inimical to Mr. Jefferson, and those who, as Mr. Monroe declared, desired the appointment for themselves or their friends, insisted that the mission to Spain was of paramount importance, and must of necessity be first disposed of; that Mr. Jefferson was the only proper person for that mission, and therefore urged his appointment. Among those classed by Mr. Monroe as aspirants for the mission to France, for themselves or their friends, were Robert R. Livingston, and Richard Henry Lee, who on other questions were opponents, but in assigning Mr. Jefferson to Spain were for once agreed. In a long letter to Mr. Madison he presented these views, and also expressed his opinions regarding the feeling of Great Britain toward the United States. He said on this point: "My letter to Governor Harrison gave you what had taken place in Canada. I am strongly impressed with the hostile dispositions of the court toward us. Not only what I saw, but the information of all the American gentlemen lately from Great Britain, confirms it; and particularly one of Maryland, one of Pennsylvania, and Mr. Laurens, who is now with us. The former two have lately returned to the continent. We are certainly in no condition for war; and, while we preserve the honor and dignity of the United States, must earnestly endeavor to prevent it. If Great Britain will comply with the conditions of the late treaty, as we must, on our part, do what it enjoins,-our situation is as happy as we could expect it. The sooner we are ascertained on this point, the better it will be for us."

In reply Mr. Madison wrote under date January 8, 1785, first taking up the question of foreign appointments, in which he deprecated the contests of ambition they engendered, and concluded that they should be as infrequent as possible, in order to insure stability in the principles sought to be adopted. Regarding the fears of Mr. Monroe that war was imminent with Great Britain, he expressed doubts, but agreed that the policy of adjusting all differences should be followed, without sacrificing honor. The contest with Spain, he thought, had "a more dangerous root." He said; "The use of the Mississippi is given by nature to our western country, and no power on earth can take it from them. While we assert our title to it, therefore, with a becoming firmness, let us not forget that we cannot ultimately be deprived of it; and that, for the present, war is more than all things to be deprecated."

The dissensions raised by the rival aspirants for foreign appointment,

were not settled for more than two months, during which time Congress was kept in constant turmoil. At length, on the 24th of February, 1785, a commencement was made by the appointment of John Adams, of Massachusetts, to the court of St. James. This was followed, on the 10th of March, by the appointment of Thomas Jefferson as minister to France. Mr. Jay had entered upon the duties of secretary of legation at the court of Spain, in December, to which office he had been appointed the preceding May, and was there continued, no minister being appointed for the time being. The deficient accommodations afforded Congress at Trenton had resulted in its removal to New York, where it re-assembled in January, 11, 1785.

In a letter to his friend Madison, dated the 14th of August, 1785, Mr. Monroe thus recurs to the subject uppermost in his mind, the proposal to add to the enumerated powers of Congress, the regulation of commerce: "The report upon the ninth article of confederation will not, I believe, be finally determined until the winter. It will, however, probably be taken up for the sake of investigation, and be committed to the journals for public inspection. If this report should be adopted, it gives a tie to the confederation which it hath not at present, nor can have without it. It gives the state something to act upon,-the means by which it may bring about certain ends. Without it, God knows what object they have before them, or how each state will move, so as to move securely with respect to federal or state objects." In the support of these views Mr. Monroe was sustained by Washington, Jefferson, and Madison, neither of whom was however, in a position to assist him with his vote. Congress finally declined to take final action on the report, deeming it proper that the proposition for the increase of its powers should come from the legislatures. The question was brought forward in the Virginia house of delegates by Mr. Madison, and though not adopted, led, in the end, to steps that resulted in the calling of the convention that framed the Constitution. That the question at issue had a grave bearing on the cohesion of the states, was more than once proved. In a letter from Mr. Monroe to Mr. Madison, under date March 18, 1786, he thus relates the action of New Jersey concerning a requisition of Congress, in which the legislature resolved that, "having entered into the confederation upon terms highly disadvantageous to them, from the necessity of public affairs, and a confidence that those points in which they were aggrieved would be remedied, and, finding that this was not the case, and that a compact, founded in such unequal principles, was likely to be fettered upon them, they would not comply with the requisition, until their grievances were redressed." A committee from Congress procured a recession of the resolution, but not a compliance with the requisition for supplies. A little more than a year later a similar charge was preferred against Connecticut, in the constitutional convention, which charge