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before the Assembly of Massachusetts, by Governor Bernard, a man of morose haughty temper, and specially out of place just at this juncture in Massachusetts. Mr. Grahame characterizes his course towards the Assembly, as insolent and overbearing; the Assembly, of course, could not submit to anything of the kind. The language of Bernard's communication in regard to the voting money to the sufferers by the late disturbances was: “The justice and humanity of this requisition is so forcible, that it cannot be controverted ; the authority with which it is introduced should preclude all disputation about it.” In reply to language of this kind, the House observed, “That it was conceived in much higher and stronger terms in the speech than in the letter of the secretary. Whether in thus exceeding, your excellency speaks by your own authority, or a higher, is not with us to determine. However, if this recommendation, which your excellency terms a requisition, be founded on so much justice and humanity that it cannot be controverted; if the authority with which it is introduced should preclude all disputation about complying with it, we should be glad to know what freedom we have in the case.” Compensation was not made to the sufferers in Massachusetts until December, 1766; and then in a manner and on conditions highly displeasing to the British government; the act for that purpose also containing “free and general pardon, indemnity, and oblivion, to all offenders in the late times.” In New York, the Legislature, by a voluntary act, granted compensation to those

who had suffered a loss of property in their adherence to the Stamp Act; but they refused to carry into execution the act of Parliament for quartering his majesty's troops upon them, on account of a clause which they declared involved the principle of taxation. The exultation in America over the repeal of the Stamp Act soon subsided. Men began to scan more narrowly the meaning of that fatal clause declaring the absolute power of Parliament over the colonies, and they began to remember afresh the causes of grievance which had led to the late disturbances. Heretofore they had not been called upon to take united action in any great matter in which the interests of each and every colony were concerned: previous to this date, there had been no widespread agitation on topics of common importance to all; and the fires of popular eloquence had not been kindled and fanned into a blaze of light, until the attempt had been made to coerce the colonies into submission to taxation without representation. Disputes and dissensions between those nearly and closely allied, almost always leave rankling hurts in the minds of both parties, even after the fullest reconciliation ; for the nature of man is such, that he is very likely to brood over the causes of complaint which before existed, and, thinking that perhaps he has not after all received quite his due, he is ready without much persuasion, with only a slight moving cause, to renew the dispute even more fiercely than ever. England had acted foolishly and ignorantly; the colonies had resisted determinedly ; England gave

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way; but she did it very ungraciously, and deprived her relinquishment of the present claim to impose a tax of all its real value by coupling with it an assertion of the absolute power of Parliament to bind the colonies in all cases whatsoever. The Americans could not but notice this, and the popular leaders were far too astute not to point out the discrepancy between giving up a claim and asserting a power to maintain this same claim at any moment Parliament chose. The influence exerted by many eminent statesmen and Orators of the day will justify our speaking of them more fully in this place; and in doing so, we shall use the language of Mr. Grahame, who writes with mingled enthusiasm and admiration of our patriot sires. The most remarkable of the polit

ical leaders and orators who sprung up

at this period were natives of Virginia, Massachusetts, and South Carolina. In Virginia, there were particularly distinguished, after Patrick Henry, whom we have already repeatedly noticed, and who held the first place as a popular champion and favorite, Edmund Pendleton, a graceful and persuasive speaker, a subtle and dexterous politician, energetic and indefatigable in the conduct of business; Richard Bland, celebrated for the extent and accuracy of his knowledge, unrivalled among his contemporaries as a logician, and who published this year an Inquiry Žnto the Rights of the British Colonies, in which the recent claims of America were defended with much cogency of reasoning; George Wythe, not more

admired for the strength of his capacity

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and the elegance of his wit, than respected for the simplicity and integrity. of his character; Peyton Randolph, whose high repute and influence with his countrymen, unaided by the captivation of eloquence, was founded on Qualities more honorable both to him and to them, the solid powers of his understanding and the sterling virtues of his heart; and Richard Henry Lee, one of the most accomplished scholars and orators in America, and who was commonly styled the Virginian Cicero. Washington, who, since the reduction of Fort Duquesne, in 1758, had withdrawn from military life, and never quitted his domestic scene but to discharge the duties of a member of the Virginia Assembly, now calmly but firmly espoused the cause of his native country in opposition to the pretensions of the British Government; nor was there an individual more respected in Virginia, or more generally known and esteemed by all America, than himself; but, devoid of oratorical powers, tranquil, sedate, prudent, dignified, and reserved, he was little qualified by genius or habit to make a brilliant figure as a provincial politician, and waited the development of a grander scene of counsel and action, more adapted to the illustration of his majestic wisdom and superior sense. Various other individuals, who have gained renown as defenders of the liberty and founders of the independence of America, began, shortly after this period, to be distinguished in the list of Virginian politicians; of whom the most remarkable was Thomas Jefferson, preeminent as a statesman, scholar, and philosopher; a

forcible, perspicuous, and elegant writer; an intrepid and enterprising patriot; and an ardent and inflexible asserter of republican sentiments and the principles of purest democracy. None of his contemporaries exceeded him in politeness and benignity of manner; and few approached him in earnestness of temper and firmness of purpose. This rare combination of moral qualities enhanced the efficacy of his talent and genius, and greatly contributed to the ascendant he obtained over the minds of his countrymen. From the very dawn of the controversy between Britain and America, Jefferson, and his friend and patron, Wythe, outstripped the political views of most of the contemporary American patriots, and embraced the doctrine which ascribed indeed to the crown some prerogative, but denied to the Parliament any degree or species of legitimate control over America. Arthur, the brother of Richard Henry Lee, and afterwards ambassador from America to France, was at this time pursuing the study of the law in London, but more actively engaged, as a gratuitous coadjutor of Dr. Franklin, in watching the measures of the British government; and rendered important service to his countrymen by transmitting early intelligence of the ministerial plans and purposes. In Massachusetts, at the present epoch, the most distinguished popular leaders and champions of the cause of America were James Otis, who has already engaged our observation; Samuel Adams, John Hancock, Thomas Cush

ing, and James Bowdoin, merchants;

Samuel Cooper, a clergyman; Josiah

Quincy, Jr., and Robert Treat Paine, lawyers; and John Winthrop, Professor of Mathematics in Harvard College. Samuel Adams was one of the most perfect models of disinterested patriotism, and of republican genius and character in all its severity and simplicity, that any age or country has ever produced. At Harvard College, in the year 1743, he made an early display of those political sentiments which he cherished through life, by maintaining, in the thesis which gained him his literary degree, that “it is lawful to resist the supreme magistrate, if the commonwealth cannot otherwise be preserved.” A sincere and devout Puritan in religion, grave in his manners, austerely pure in his morals, simple, frugal, and unambitious in his tastes, habits, and desires; zealously, and incorruptibly devoted to the defence of American liberty, and the improvement of American character; endowed with a strong, manly understanding, an unrelaxing earnestness and inflexible firmness of will and purpose, a capacity of patient and intense application which no labor could exhaust, and a calm and determined courage which no danger could daunt and no disaster depress, he rendered his virtues more efficacious by the instrumentality of great powers of reasoning and eloquence, and altogether supported a part and exhibited a character of which every description, even the most frigid that has been preserved, wears the air of panegyric. He defended the liberty of his countrymen against the tyranny of England, and their religious principles against the impious sophistry of Paine. His moral

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virtue, than to obtain it by supple com

pliance and flattery. Poor without desiring to be rich, he subsequently filled the highest offices in the State of Massachusetts, without making the slightest augmentation to his fortune; and after an active, useful, and illustrious life, in which all the interests of the individual were merged in regard and care for the community, he died without obtaining or desiring any other reward than the consciousness of virtue and integrity, the contemplation of his country's happiness, and the respect and veneration of his fellow-citizens. It has been censoriously remarked of him by the severer critics of his history —and the censure is the more interesting from the rarity of its application to the statesmen of modern times, that his character was superior to his genius, and that his mind was much more elevated and firm than liberal and expansive. In all his sentiments, religious and political, no doubt, there appeared some tincture of those peculiar principles and qualities which formed the original and distinctive character of the people of New England; and he was much more impressed with the worth and piety, than sensible of or superior to the narrow, punctilious bigotry and stubborn self-will of his provincial anCestors. Hancock differed widely from Adams in manners, character, and condition. He was possessed of an ample fortune, and maintained a splendid equipage;

yet he ruled the wealth which commonly rules its possessors; for, while he indulged a gay disposition in elegant and expensive pleasures, he manifested a generous liberality in the most munificent contributions to every charitable and patriotic purpose; insomuch that his fellow-citizens declared of him, that he plainly preferred their favor to great riches, and embarked his fortune in the

cause of his country. Courteous and

graceful in his address, eager and enthusiastic in his disposition, endowed with a prompt and lively eloquence, which was supported by considerable abilities, though not united with brilliant genius or commanding capacity, he embraced the popular cause with the most unbridled ardor; and leaving to more philosophical patriots the guardianship of public virtue and the control of popular license, he devoted himself exclusively to the promotion of whatever objects tended immediately to gratify the wishes of the majority of the people. He continued to hope for a reconciliation with Britain much longer than Adams, who, after the promulgation of the Stamp Act, neither expected nor desired such an issue; but when, in consequence of the final rupture between the two countries, and the overthrow of regal dominion in America, a republican constitution was to be composed-Adams showed him self the more desirous to secure an energetic government, in which the magistrates, though appointed by the choice of the people, should be invested with force enough to withstand unreasonable or unrighteous movements of popular passion and caprice,—while Hancock

preferably advocated an unbounded scope to democratical principle, or rather license, in a government pliable to every gust of popular will. Adams was termed the Cato, and Hancock the Jucullus, of New England. Among the first generations of the inhabitants of this country, the severer virtue of Adams, in competition with the gayer character of Hancock, would have carried almost all the suffrages of their fellow-citizens; and even at no distant date retrospective from the present era, the manners of Hancock would have been rather tolerated and pardoned, than generally approved. But a change, gradually arising in the taste and opinion of the public, had latterly been so widely developped, that Hancock was now by far the most popular character in Massachusetts. He was, indeed, the idol of the great mass of the people, and openly preferred to Adams by all but a small minority of the community, consisting of stanch Puritans and stern republicans. . Cushing was less distinguished by energy or talent than by his descent from a family renowned in New England for ardent piety and liberal politics. Bowdoin, one of the wealthiest persons in Massachusetts, was also a man of great information and ability, regulated by strong good sense; liberal, honorable, and upright; a prudent and moderate, but firm and consistent patriot. Cooper, pious, eloquent, and accomplished, was first prompted to unite the character of a politician with the office of a minister of the Gospel by the tidings of the Stamp Act, which sug

gested to him, he declared, that tyranny

correspondent of Dr. Franklin.

was opposed not more to civil than to religious liberty. From that period, he took an active part in behalf of the liberties of his country, both as a contributor of political essays to the periodical publications of Boston, and as a He was eminent as a scholar, and ardent as a patron and coadjutor of every institution for the advancement of learning, liberty, piety, or virtue; and, doubtless, his previous character as a divine contributed to promote the efficacy of his exertions as a politician. Quincy, a distinguished lawyer and orator, the descendant of one of those English barons who extorted from King John the signature of Magna Charta, showed that the spirit displayed by his ancestor at Runnymede was transmitted to him, unimpaired by the eclipse of family grandeur and the lapse of five centuries. He was the protomartyr of American liberty, in defence of which, both with his tongue and pen, he exerted an energy so disproportioned to his bodily strength, as to occasion his death a short time previous to the Declaration of American Independence. Robert Treat Paine, one of the most eminent lawyers in Massachusetts, held a high place in the public estimation for intelligence, firmness, and zeal. Ever prompt, active, and decided as a champion of American liberty, he was universally admired for the brilliancy of his wit, and respected even by his political opponents for his pure and inflexible uprightness. Winthrop, who inherited one of the most venerable names in New England, revived its ancient honor and still farther

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