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imum wage law, less than fourteen per cent. of the man-suffrage States have one. Every full suffrage State has a mothers' pension law. Ninety per cent. of the full suffrage States (New York not included) have the injunction and abatement law.

Recently the Chicago Chief of Police sent out a call for a woman protective police force as a war meas

Behind this recognition of the fact that women can be relied upon as a rear guard, lies an interesting history of a movement to use women as police even in normal times of peace. This movement, both in England and the United States, was initiated by women, urged by women, and steadfastly defeated in America until women got the vote. The mere possession of the franchise by the women of Chicago, before they had a chance to put it in practice, acted as a lever to set the Chicago women police idea on its feet. What the women police have meant in time of war is a momentous chapter not yet written.

Women voters in Illinois, California, Colorado, Washington, and Montana are on record as having achieved such domestic legislation as state-wide laws concerning food inspection. Earl Barnes reports that he has seen "nowhere else such statutes as fearlessly and vigorously enforced as in Idaho."

Montana is, next to New York, one of the youngest

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children in the same te chisement in 1914, yet Tiy me te campaign in which the western old political wheel hors were centration of effort an ad whole woman electorate omtanza Superintendent of Punte e tirely upon her special guztica. ported by the women are elected by an overwhelming at lation worked for by womentam Montana included a gameto provements in the matters 2 ment of a child welfare of Public Health and a steel minded of the State Citate has been called by the seat i fie Labor Committee one fie *

imum wage law, less than fourteen per cent. of the man-suffrage States have one. Every full suffrage State has a mothers' pension law. Ninety per cent. of the full suffrage States (New York not included) have the injunction and abatement law.

Recently the Chicago Chief of Police sent out a call for a woman protective police force as a war measure. Behind this recognition of the fact that women can be relied upon as a rear guard, lies an interesting history of a movement to use women as police even in normal times of peace. This movement, both in England and the United States, was initiated by women, urged by women, and steadfastly defeated in America until women got the vote. The mere possession of the franchise by the women of Chicago, before they had a chance to put it in practice, acted as a lever to set the Chicago women police idea on its feet. What the women police have meant in time of war is a momentous chapter not yet written.

Women voters in Illinois, California, Colorado, Washington, and Montana are on record as having achieved such domestic legislation as state-wide laws concerning food inspection. Earl Barnes reports that he has seen “nowhere else such statutes as fearlessly and vigorously enforced as in Idaho.”

Montana is, next to New York, one of the youngest children in the suffrage group. It gained enfranchisement in 1914, yet by 1916, the first political campaign in which the women voters participated, old political wheel horses were astonished at the concentration of effort and energy exhibited by the whole woman electorate of Montana. A woman State Superintendent of Public Instruction, who ran entirely upon her special qualifications, and was supported by the women because of her fitness, was elected by an overwhelming majority. Other legislation worked for by women in their first campaign in Montana included an eight-hour day for women, improvements in the mothers' pension law, establishment of a child welfare division of the Department of Public Health and an expert survey of the feebleminded of the State. Colorado's Juvenile Court Law has been called by the head of the National Child Labor Committee “one of the best, if not the best.

As she has become possessed of the vote, the female of the species has proved herself rather fundamentally averse to office-seeking. The practice of women in full suffrage States has been to occupy such public positions as logically develop out of their special training. Women, who make up eighty per cent. of the teaching profession and who as parents are vitally in touch with the needs of childhood, have in all full suffrage States acceptably filled local and state positions as superintendents of public instruction or as members of school boards or as commissioners of Public Welfare in connection with the labor of women and children. In some instances marked ability or experience in these lines has led them into legislative positions. In full suffrage States the woman lawyer is naturally less impeded in her advance from post to post in her own profession than her professional sister in non-suffrage States. The woman doctor mounts the rungs of her ladder less weighed down with artificial burdens. The point in all this is the reassuring fact that the state undergoes no volcanic wrench when women participate in its political What women

are bound to do anyway, whether because of natural abilities or personal inclinations or because of economic and industrial pressure, they do with fewer handicaps when they have the franchise than when they have n't it. Experience also shows that the large social movements by which all mankind is affected predetermine these matters for women as well as for men. When vast numbers of women are needed in industry they go into it. If such a situation arises, justice and expediency both demand that women should be protected by their own ballots, not by so-called representative ballots, as on the face of it no one ballot can be

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