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ple," are recognized as fundamental to the life of that nation.

WHAT SHE DOES WITH THE VOTE WHEN SHE GETS IT

In the United States the great suffrage victories of the year 1917 have urged the question on beyond. interest in its merits or the abstract justice involved in it, to the practical application of it. Whether women vote when they can; what they do with their votes when they get them; and the effects of their enfranchisement upon home and community are, fortunately, demonstrable propositions. In every full voting State in which the records are sufficiently complete to form a basis of judgment, three things have been established: women register and vote in about the same proportion as men; they show an intelligent interest in elections, and they double the voting strength of their states with a comparatively small increase in voting paraphernalia.

Knowledge of the kinds of legislation attempted or achieved by voting women likewise rests upon facts. The legislation accomplished follows the psychology of women; it follows the matters in which they are most vitally interested. If there is truth in the theory that men and women are different, it clinches the absolute need for women in political life. In New Zealand, where women have voted for twenty

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five years, the infant death rate is lower than in any other part of the world. And the New Zealand methods of caring for the health of women and children are cited as models by authorities. A burning grievance of mothers for countless years was the fact that in the eyes of the law the children they had borne did not belong to them; they belonged to the fathers. When a controversy arose over the disposition of the child, or its religious education, or the right to inherit from it, the advantage has always lain with the father. As soon as woman began to emerge as a social entity, even before she had the vote, this deep suffering of mothers found voice. For seventy years mothers have struggled for an equal share with fathers in the control of their own children. In almost every full suffrage State in the Union this matter has received a first consideration and equal guardianship obtains in every State where women vote on the same terms as men. It does not obtain to any such extent where fathers only vote, as only twenty-five per cent. of the thirty-six male suffrage States have this law. The District of Columbia's equal guardianship law is the result of the hard work of a woman lawyer.

Six of the woman voting States have secured an eight-hour day for women. Not one male suffrage State has done so. Sixty-three per cent. of the full suffrage States (New York not included) have a min

imum wage law, less than fourteen per cent. of the man-suffrage States have one. Every full suffrage State has a mothers' pension law. Ninety per cent. of the full suffrage States (New York not included) have the injunction and abatement law.

ure.

Recently the Chicago Chief of Police sent out a call for a woman protective police force as a war measBehind this recognition of the fact that women can be relied upon as a rear guard, lies an interesting history of a movement to use women as police even in normal times of peace. This movement, both in England and the United States, was initiated by women, urged by women, and steadfastly defeated in America until women got the vote. The mere possession of the franchise by the women of Chicago, before they had a chance to put it in practice, acted as a lever to set the Chicago women police idea on its feet. What the women police have meant in time of war is a momentous chapter not yet writ

ten.

Women voters in Illinois, California, Colorado, Washington, and Montana are on record as having achieved such domestic legislation as state-wide laws concerning food inspection. Earl Barnes reports that he has seen "nowhere else such statutes as fearlessly and vigorously enforced as in Idaho."

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imum wage law, less than fourteen per cent. of the man-suffrage States have one. Every full suffrage State has a mothers' pension law. Ninety per cent. of the full suffrage States (New York not included) have the injunction and abatement law.

ure.

Recently the Chicago Chief of Police sent out a call for a woman protective police force as a war measBehind this recognition of the fact that women can be relied upon as a rear guard, lies an interesting history of a movement to use women as police even in normal times of peace. This movement, both in England and the United States, was initiated by women, urged by women, and steadfastly defeated in America until women got the vote. The mere possession of the franchise by the women of Chicago, before they had a chance to put it in practice, acted as a lever to set the Chicago women police idea on its feet. What the women police have meant in time of war is a momentous chapter not yet written.

Women voters in Illinois, California, Colorado, Washington, and Montana are on record as having achieved such domestic legislation as state-wide laws concerning food inspection. Earl Barnes reports that he has seen "nowhere else such statutes as fearlessly and vigorously enforced as in Idaho."

Montana is, next to New York, one of the youngest

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