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americano en ven o go the article" THE BAD Win a Diference

PHOTOGRAPH BY HENRY HOYT MOORE

THE BABY
See the article “ Photography With a Difference"

THE FARM LOAN BILL “IN WORDS OF ONE SYLLABLE".

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well to answer criticisms which are based on such obvious misapprehension of plain facts that a mere citation is sufficient to impale the critic.

In The Outlook of August 2 there was a very interesting and readable article entitled " Will the Rural Credits Law Work ?" It was a beautiful illustration of how much more readable an article can be made when the author does not allow himself to be hampered by those troublesome details called “facts." The author of this criticism exposes his unfamiliarity with his subject in almost the first paragraph, by referring to the Federal Land Board, comprising the Secretary of the Treasury, ex officio, and four other commissioners.” The fact is that the title of the Board, as expressed throughout the Act, is " Federal Farm Loan Board," and that it comprises the Secretary of the Treasury and four members," only one of whom is “ Commissioner.This is a perfectly harmless error, and is cited only to show that ignorance of the Act, and not a deliberate attempt to misrepresent, is probably responsible for the subsequent errors in matters more mate rial.

After referring to the fact that the Government will subscribe to as much of the original stock of each land bank as may not be taken by private investors—and throwing out the prophecy that this will be all the stock

—the author adds: “But after any of the banks has accumulated $100,000 surplus a sinking fund of twenty-five per cent of all subsequent profits will be applied in taking up the Government stock until all of it is retired.” Now the fact is that the payment and retirement of the Government's stock is not contingent upon either the accumulation of any surplus or the earning of any profits. What the Act provides (Section 5) is that after farm loan associations shall have subscribed $750,000 to the stock of any Federal land bank, twenty-five per cent of “ all sums there after subscribed to capital stock" by National farm loan associations shall be applied to the retirement of the stock originally subscribed.

The Act provides that the banks may charge the borrower on mortgage a rate one

per cent higher than that which they are themselves paying on the bonds they sell. Our critic explains that “the one per cent difference is to cover overhead expenses of the bank and pay the Federal Board a salary of $10,000 for each Commissioner." Where this last idea had its birth it is impossible to guess. It would certainly have come to an untimely end if its author had happened to glance at Section 3 of the Act, where he would have read, “ The salaries and expenses of the Federal Farm Loan Board ... shall be paid by the United States.”

One other statement is made in such a form that it is impossible to tell whether it is intended as a statement of facts or as a prophecy. I refer to the sentences : “ The twelve Federal land banks are to be made Government depositories for Government deposits to a total amount of $6,000,000 at any one time. Interest is to be paid by the banks at 2 per cent." If this be prophecy, I will not quarrel with it. But might not modesty in that case have suggested the interpolation of “ probably” or “ I think " ? If it be intended as a statement of anything appearing in the Act, it is wide of the mark. Section 6 does say, to be sure, that they shall be Government depositories “ when designated for that purpose by the Secretary of the Treasury,” but the Secretary has not yet designated them, or evidenced any intention to designate them. There is a further provision in Section 32 that under special conditions the Secretary may “make deposits for the temporary use of any Federal land bank," but that the aggregate of such temporary deposits shall not exceed the sum of $6,000,000 at any one time. It would seem that at this point our critic anticipated with prophetic insight the action of the Secretary of the Treasury, failed to notice the distinction between authorization and direction, confused ordinary and extraordinary deposits, and then capped the climax by evolving a rate of interest from his inner consciousness.

Attention is called to these details only to emphasize the importance of discussing this or any other Act of Congress with due regard to the facts.

A HUMAN INTEREST STUDY OF THE

CANDIDATE AND HIS IDEAS
BY FREDERICK M. DAVENPORT

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Mr. Davenport was with Mr. Hughes's party during the Republican candidate's recent
closely watched campaign trip to the Pacific coast and return. He writes from knowledge and
from experienced insight, not only into the nature and personality of Mr. Hughes himself, but
also into the workings of the mind of the Western electorate among whom Mr. Hughes moved
and whom he has sought to influence. —THE EDITORS.

THE Governor's job, as he started thing that happened or of how he tried to con-
West, was first to convince that duct himself when he was Governor of New

distant part of the country that he is York. Everybody seemed to know all about human enough to be President of the United that, and the content of their thought of him States, because that part of the country whom they had never seen before was of a doesn't wish any other kind of a man to sit man who had fought for party freedom and in the seat of the mighty at Washington; and, liberal measures of legislation and for the thing second, under difficult and delicate circum- that was right in the capitol of the State of stances, to begin to create a Republican New York. And my judgment is that that majority that will finally be responsive to the is the thing which is more likely to carry him Hughes ideals out of a broken and leaderless through to success at the election than all party in process of reconstruction after a the campaign argument which will be heard revolution. And to begin to accomplish this in his behalf between now and November. second labor of Hercules at a time when, To the mind of the great majority of the after some twenty years of political ebullience, American people he is not running on his an ease-loving, prosperous, and conglomerate promises or on his views of what happened population is torn asunder in sentiment with or ought to have happened under the Wilson respect to dominant international affairs and Administration. He is running on his gives no sign of desire to register a majority record-on the belief of the people of the for idealisms, anyway—at least until after a United States that he is the kind of a man process of education which is not likely to be who will meet future National contingencies completed before election day in November. as they arise with the intelligence and firmSome job!

ness and strength and patriotism with which I am going to try to give the readers of he met the lesser contingencies in the comThe Outlook a picture of how the Governor monwealth of New York. met his task, of how the character and per. Some of the current likenesses of Hughes sonality of the man responded to the tem- do him justice, but many do not. He is tall perament and environment of the folks in and splendidly set up, with a full, powerful the West, and of how they responded to him. face and massive forehead, a well-trimmed I have spoken of the Governor's job and the beard which adds dignity and strength. It Governor's task. It is strange how, even in was interesting to see the great crowds at American politics, the good works that men the station pick out the candidate. " That's do sometimes live on in the recollection of him," they cried ; "the tall chap with the the electorate. I heard him occasionally re- whiskers.” He has an eye, large and keen ferred to as Justice Hughes by some judicial and penetrating, which seems to say, “ Come dignitary or other. But almost always it was on, if you are straight, I am with you.” A the Governor of New York whom the great splendid chest and back, great arms and audiences had in mind, and not the Judge at legs, pretty thoroughly bald, but altogether a all. Nearly every introduction was of what powerful physical figure. As he has gone he did when he was Governor of New York, among the Western crowds he has had a and the most instant and generous applause fine, alert, and regnant appearance. He looks that came to him as he spoke would occur like a President—that is, like a born leader of again and again when he referred to some democracy; and as I occasionally mingled

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with the vast audiences and listened to the comment of the people I found that every body was satisfied on this score. They thought he was big enough for the job.

Mentally, Hughes is a great dynamo of energy who properly and modestly realizes his power. He has a wonderful capacity for analyzing facts and situations. There is probably no man in American public life in our time who has in his public work shown a surer quality of detachment from personal bias. He could sit in a case which involved his own family and not be influenced by a hair. He thinks straight, and he has a controlling sense of right. He has broadened on the bench. Not simply because he has made such profound studies in Nationalism and human justice, but because he has thought deeply into political movements and · read widely in the liberal political literature of our time. And he has grown in the direction of broad and generous political liberalism. Through all his Western speeches there ran this thread. The Republican party must be the genuine liberal party of America. “I would not be here if I did not think of the Republican party as a liberal party,” he said again and again. And his emphasis throughout the West upon efficiency, economy, a budget system, the businesslike administration of government, the expert, the overthrow of the spoils system, a scientific tariff, industrial organization, and especially upon Nationalism, was avowedly intended to give fair notice that, if he is elected, he will seek to lay the foundations of freedom and human welfare so deep that we shall have in America not only a thoroughly organized government by the people, but also a government perfected, fitted, and able to do whatever ought to be done for the last man, woman, or child under its sway that needs protection and succor. And the Republican party will be that kind of a party under his leadership or go out of business. My judgment is, from what I saw in the West and from what I have seen elsewhere, that even the stiffnecked generation of the Republican reactionaries will be constrained to follow him humbly, if not gladly. It is the only way out. It is probably the last chance that Republic canism has once more to make good in the United States of America.

Hughes made it clear throughout the West that he understands the need of a great liberal party in the United States ; that he knows well that the Democratic party, chained

to a belated political South and to other influences and traditions which delay its advance, cannot in time be made over into an instrument of efficient liberalism. Hughes believes that the Republican party, broken and stricken and chastened as it has been, with its sound instincts of Nationalism and efficiency, can once more become the instrument of freedom and human welfare if it can be shot through with a sense of right, with a sense of integrity and devotion to the cause, not of a class or an interest, but of the whole people. And it is in this spirit and with precisely this in view that Hughes told the West he desired to serve his party and his country.

I suppose you think that a man of the Hughes sort is above being a good politician. It depends upon what you mean by politician; whether you use the term in the lower or the higher sense. If you mean a glorified ward-heeler who knows every kind of human nature at a glance and can always pick his man for his own purposes—that is hardly like Hughes. Probably Hughes can make the usual number of mistakes in reading certain ranges of human nature and picking men—and correct them. But I regard him as a very able politician-I believe in taking that word over and purifying its content-I like it better than statesman. The statesman is of too lonely grandeur, in danger of being too detached from the world as it sins and sighs and struggles. Hughes is an able politician in the sense that he weighs cautiously and fairly the great human forces that are at work in the world and in the American population, and he reads the mind of his countrymen, I think, exceedingly well..

As we turned our faces from the Pacific coast once more towards the East, there began to reach us from the Atlantic slope expressions of political concern and disquietude which I was very much interested to analyze. Hughes, it was said in the hostile journals and by a few anxious political correspondents, was not striking out from the shoulder as he was of old wont to do in his hand-to-hand struggles with his New York foes. He was limiting the range of his discussion. He was not revealing his whole mind. His emphasis was wrong. He didn't say enough about the European war or about our international relations with countries across the sea. He was not sufficiently pro-Ally or pro-German. And these particular correspondents and newspapers seemed to be under the impres

sion that we had perhaps been traveling for cient measure of the spirit and the practice three weeks through the frost belt towards of reunion to give promise of good majoripolitical defeat and despair.

ties at least for the National ticket in these I was interested, because no such impres- old-time Republican commonwealths. There sion as this could possibly be gathered in the were lions in the way, and there are diffiWest. Not from any newspaper of any culties yet to be overcome, to which I shall party, not from any one of the vast audiences later refer, before these States become again that faced the Republican candidate from permanently Republican, but Hughes carried Detroit to Seattle and from San Diego to with him the impression and presage of sucDenver. If ever a man talked to people by cess from Michigan to the Pacific. the acre in this country, it was Hughes on I think he is more astute than his critics his Western trip. In a subsequent article I as well as broader-visioned. In the West he shall undertake to describe these Western was cautiously but fundamentally constructive, mass-meetings of the people and how they and beyond this he took care, like the good reacted to the message of Hughes. But lawyer that he is, only to file a complaint what I call attention to here is that the West against his Democratic adversary. As I write felt no such lack in the candidate and his this, the demurrer which will come from the message as seemed to be indicated by the President at the time of his notification has hostile portion of the Atlantic press or by the not yet appeared. When that comes, I look friendly concern of a certain respectable and for the swift joining of the issue and an oral intelligent element of the East.

argument that will cover a wide and sufficient Hughes is remarkable in his power to ex- range. It is not wise in political conflict to temporize the expression of ideas which have unfold your whole strategy too early. themselves been thoroughly wrought out in But I think it is not going to be possible advance. And he delivered a series of such for Mr. Hughes to satisfy entirely the more speeches, never twice the same, from Detroit perturbed and turbulent of his critics, who around to Denver and beyond, before great would have him enter into concrete attacks eager and delighted crowds ranging from upon Germany or England or dip deeply into five to twelve and fifteen thousand people. some of the more harrowing and ill-handled Those who remember his campaigning dur- international events of the present Adminising his Governorship will recall him calmly tration. No doubt he will go further than he stalking from one end of the platform to the has yet gone. No doubt he will discuss freely other, his quiet, strong mind working as if the international rights and duties of the on ball-bearings—a Corliss engine, noiseless country. But, whatever his strong personal and efficient. The range of his discussion in views may be upon the ill-starred events the West was very wide-labor, democracy, which have aroused the passion and prejuefficiency, economy, Nationalism, the failure dice of great elements of our population, he of the foreign policy of the Government, the has a National duty as the official head of a need of the expert, the tariff, preventive great party which he is not at 'liberty to fordiplomacy, social welfare, naval and military get. Not simply to win in a paltry sense, but preparation, a new industrial organization, to create a fresh National majority out of the way to permanent peace, National unity, suspicious and discordant elements in a disthe assimilation of aliens, the protection of cordant country, and to create that majority American life and property throughout the for a great patriotic purpose, in order that in world, international arbitration, the develop some National group there may be the power ment of Alaska, the dominance of the public and the will to govern firmly and wisely a interest in every concern of the United hundred million people. That is his job, and States—and there was no frigidity and no it involves a course of conduct and of speech pussy-footing in any of it, and I heard it all. which the private citizen is under no obligaHis discussion of the tariff in Spokane and tion to follow. And he can never forget, other parts of the Northwest where this sub either, that he is not simply going through ject is of great importance was broad and the motions of the campaign for the sake of wise and sound in its economics. In fact, I the mental and physical exercise, but that didn't know that any judge in the United after the 4th of March next he is likely to States knew so much economics. And every be the President of this whole people, of where Hughes left the trail of great, confident Germans and Irish as well as of English and crowds, of Republican assurance, and a suffi- Russians, for whom he must furnish a

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