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THE FIELD OF POLITICS

THE PRESIDENT ON THE REPUBLICAN PARTY

He week which ended on Wednes

day, September 6, brought to the 1 surface more things of political interest than have appeared for some time in the progress of the Presidential campaign. From the Democratic camp the outstanding feature was, of course, the President's speech of acceptance, delivered at Long Branch, New Jersey, on September 2.

As may be surmised, the President's address was an eloquent presentation of the accomplishments of the Democratic party during the past four years.

He began his address by an attack upon the Republican party couched in stinging phrases. The President said :

The Republican party was put out of power because of failure-practical failure and moral failure ; because it had served special interests and not the country at large; because, under the leadership of its preferred and established guides, of those who still make its choices, it had lost touch with the thoughts and the needs of the Nation, and was living in a past age and under a fixed illusion-the illusion of greatness.

He continued his attack upon the Republican party by saying that it had “ framed tariff laws based upon a fear of foreign trade, a fundamental doubt as to American skill, enterprise, and capacity.” He said the Republican party“ had permitted the country throughout the long period of its control to stagger from one financial crisis to another under the operation of a National banking law of its own framing which made stringency and panic certain," and it had been in different “ to the fact that the farmers, upon whom the country depends for its food, and in the last analysis for its prosperity. were without standing in the matter of commercial credit.” Under the Republican party, Mr. Wilson continued

Little intelligent attention was paid to the army, and not enough to the navy. The other republics of America distrusted us, because they found that we thought first of the profits of American investors, and only as an afterthought of impartial justice and helpful friendship.

books revising the tariff and the banking and currency laws, establishing rural credit, rehabilitating the merchant marine, and creating the Federal Trade Commission. Among other things, Mr. Wilson included in the achievements of the Democratic party the emancipation of the workingmen of America by the legal recognition of a man's labor as part of his life, the emancipation of the children of the country from hurtful labor, the equalization of taxation by means of an equitable income tax, the opening up of the resources of Alaska, and the provision for National defense upon a scale never before proposed upon the responsibility of an entire political party. He claimed that the Democratic party " had driven the tariff lobby from cover, and obliged it to substitute solid argument for private influence.”

Mr. Wilson claimed not only to have carried out practically all the platform of the Democratic party, but he added: “We have in four years come very near to carrying out the platform of the Progressive party as well.” THE PRESIDENT ON THE EUROPEAN WAR

Naturally the two most vital subjects, outside of our domestic relations, dealt with in the President's address were the European situation and the revolution in Mexico. Here is his statement of his attitude towards the European war:

We have been neutral not only because it

We have been neutra was the fixed and traditional policy of the United States to stand aloof from the politics of Europe and because we had no part either of action or of policy in the influences which brought on the present war, but also because it was manifestly our duty to prevent, if it were possible, the indefinite extension of the fires of hate and desolation kindled by that terrible conflict, and seek to serve mankind by reserving our strength and our resources for the anxious and difficult days of restoration and healing which must follow when peace will have to build its house anew.

The rights of our own citizens, of course, became involved—that was inevitable. Where they did, this was our guiding principle: that property rights can be vindicated by claims for damages, and no modern nation can decline to arbitrate such claims; but the fundamental rights of humanity cannot be. The loss of life is irreparable. Neither can direct violations of a nation's sovereignty await vindication in suits for damages. The nation that violates these

THE DEMOCRATIC CLAIMS Against this statement of the Republican record Mr. Wilson claimed for his own party that laws had been placed upon the statute

essential rights must expect to be checked and called to account by direct challenge and resistance.

Perhaps we will be pardoned if we find in Mr. Wilson's statement of his theory of action and the record of the still unsatisfied claim against Germany for the sinking of the Lusitania an inconsistency which the President would doubtless feelingly deny. There seems to us a further inconsistency between his statement that “we have been entirely neutral ... because we have no part either of action or of policy in the influences which brought on the present war," and his own later statement that i no nation can any longer remain neutral as against any willful disturbance of the peace of the world. ... No nation stands wholly apart in interest when the life and interests of all nations are thrown into confusion and peril.”

To us this seems the nobler doctrine, and this doctrine Mr. Wilson himself claims will be the guiding principle of the future. He says :

There must be a just and settled peace, and we here in America must contribute the full force of our enthusiasm and of our authority as a Nation to the organization of that peace upon world-wide foundations that cannot easily be shaken. No nation should be forced to take sides in any quarrel in which its own honor and integrity and the fortunes of its own people are not involved; but no nation can any longer remain neutral as against any willful disturbance of the peace of the world. The effects of war can no longer be confined to the areas of battle. No nation stands wholly apart in interest when the life and interests of all nations are thrown into confusion and peril. If hopeful and generous enterprise is to be renewed, if the healing and helpful arts of life are indeed to be revive | when peace comes again, a new atmosphere of justice and friendship must be generated by means the world has never tried before. The nations of the world must unite in joint guarantees that whatever is done to disturb the whole world's life must first be tested in the court of the whole world's opinion before it is attempted.

THE PRESIDENT ON MEXICO In regard to his Mexican policy Mr. Wilson said :

We have professed to believe, and we do be. lieve, that the people of small and weak states have the right to expect to be dealt with exactly as the people of big and powerful states would be. We have acted upon that piaciple in deal ing with the people of Mexico. . .

Many serious wrongs against the property, many irreparable wrongs against the persons of

Americans, have been committed within the territory of Mexico herself during this confused revolution, wrongs which could not be effectually checked so long as there was no constituted power in Mexico which was in a position to check them. We could not act directly in that matter ourselves without denying Mexicans the right to any revolution at all which disturbed us, and making the emancipation of her own people await our own interest and convenience.

Mr. Wilson continued by saying that his Mexican policy was “not hard for the plain people of the United States to understand," but that it was a “ hard doctrine only for those who wished to get something for themselves out of Mexico.” He added :

I have heard no one who was free from such influences propose interference by the United States with the internal affairs of Mexico. Cer tainly no friend of the Mexican people has proposed it.

As if to forestall his opponents in pointing out that his action towards Huerta was a distinct interference with the internal affairs of Mexico, Mr. Wilson continued :

The unspeakable Huerta betrayed the very comrades he served, traitorously overthrew the Government of which he was a trusted part, impudently spoke for the very forces that had driven his people to the rebellion with which he had pretended to sympathize. The men who overcame him and drove him out represent at least the fierce passion of reconstruction which lies at the very heart of liberty; and so long as they represent, however imperfectly, such a struggle for deliverance, I am ready to serve their ends when I can. So long as the power of recognition rests with me, the Government of the United States will refuse to extend the hand of welcome to any one who obtains power in a sister republic by treachery and violence.

Of course if a blow from the shoulder can be characterized as “ withholding the hand of welcome,” certainly Mr. Wilson cannot be charged with inconsistency in this matter.

In concluding his address Mr. Wilson summed up his vision of the future America in these words:

We are Americans for Big America, and rejoice to look forward to the days in which America shall strive to stir the world without irritating it or drawing it on to new antagonisms, when the nations with which we deal shall at last come to see upon what deep foundations of humanity and justice our passion for peace rests, and when all mankind shall look upon our great people with a rew sentiment of admiration, friendly rivalry, and real affection, as upon

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a people who, though keen to succeed, seek always to be at once generous and just, and to whom humanity is dearer than profit or selfish power.

Upon this record and in the faith of this purpose we go to the country.

ence its news reports, writes of Mr. Hughes's Nashville welcome :

The address was delivered in the Auditorium here before a crowd of 3,000 persons, a large majority of whom were openly hostile and attempted to start demonstrations for Wilson by hisses and catcalls. Mr. Hughes's fighting words won the crowd for the time and found applause.

It was during Mr. Hughes's discussion of the the Mexican question that one of the most dramatic incidents of his Nashville address occurred. A questioner in the gallery shouted out an inquiry as to what he would have done under the circumstances. “What would I have done?” replied Mr. Hughes. “I would have protected American lives; and that is what I will do."

THE REPUBLICAN SIDE OF THE CAMPAIGN

The Outlook in last week's issue commented editorially upon Mr. Roosevelt's Lewiston address, emphatically indorsing

ndorsing

the

the principles of Americanism therein enunciated.

There have been those who have been waiting for a similarly emphatic utterance from Mr. Hughes since his address in Carnegie Hall formally accepting the Republican nomination. Mr. Hughes has now placed himself squarely beside Mr. Roosevelt on the question of Americanism by a telegram which he addressed to Mr. Roosevelt after the Lewiston speech. From Kansas Mr. Hughes telegraphed : “I heartily congratulate you on your speech at Lewiston, and warmly appreciate your effective support.” The position which Mr. Hughes took in his telegram to Mr. Roosevelt he emphasized during his subsequent visit to St. Louis, a city which has been looked upon as the center of German sympathy and partisanship. According to a report in the New York - Tribune," Mr. Hughes took the occasion of his visit to St. Louis to restate his attitude towards Mr. Roosevelt's speech. The “ Tribune ” says:

Publication of the Hughes telegram to Colonel Roosevelt in the morning newspapers had caused St. Louis Germans to inquire whether its implied acceptance of the Roosevelt views concerning the hyphen question had been properly understood.

Several prominent citizens even advised that a statement be issued by Mr. Hughes denying that he shared the opinions of the Colonel.

Just before the candidate's party went to the Business Men's League for luncheon the question was put squarely up to Mr. Hughes.

"Did your telegram to Colonel Roosevelt carry with it an acceptance of the Roosevelt views on hyphenates ?" he was asked.

“The telegram may be taken on its face value. I meant just what I said," was the reply.

From St. Louis Mr. Hughes journeyed to Nashville, Tennessee, where, facing an audience a majority of whom were sympa thizers with President Wilson, he won the respect and attention of his hearers. The reporter of the New York " Times," a newspaper which in general supports Mr. Wilson, but whose editorial views do not often influ

MR. HUGHES ON THE RAILWAY STRIKE:

Passing from the question of foreign politics to the labor situation, Mr. Hughes. emphatically stated his position on the great labor strike which has been so narrowly and perhaps but temporarily averted. He said :

I believe there is no grievance with respect to labor that cannot be settled by a fair, candid examination of the facts. We have in the past had to deal frequently with the opposition of employers to the principle of arbitration. Sometimes they have refused to arbitrate disputes. Public opinion has been against them. I believe and I stand here firmly for the principle of arbitrating all industrial disputes, and I would not surrender it to anybody in the country. ...

Now, then, I stand for two things: first, for the principle of fair, impartial, thorough, candid arbit ation ; and, second, for legislation on facts according to the necessities of the case; and I am opposed to being dictated to either in the executive department or in Congress by any power on earth before the facts are known and in the absence of the facts.

Mr. F. M. Davenport, whose article describing the Hughes frin appears elsewhere in this issue, writes us from Nashville that these remarks were received by the audience " with a whirlwind of applause.”

It has been pointed out that Mr. Hughes, while Governor of New York State, vetoed the bill requiring railways to furnish transportation for two cents a mile on exactly the grounds which he has taken towards the set. tlement of the railway strike. The position which Mr. Hughes has taken is entirely analogous with that which Mr. Roosevelt assumed in the settlement of the anthracite strike.

Mr. Roosevelt has not commented at any length upon the present railway situation, but from the brief statement which he has made it is plain that he believes that the present situation should have been handled as the anthracite strike was handled in 1901.

IN CALIFORNIA AND OHIO For some time the California situation has been a thorn in the side of the Republican party. Governor Johnson, the only Progressive Governor still in office, and the candi. date for Vice-President on the Progressive ticket in 1912, was one of the first and strongest Progressives to declare himself for the election of Hughes. Nevertheless, the apparently irreconcilable differences between the Progressives and the old-line Republicans of California, together with the

refusal of such a California Progressive as Francis J. Heney to enter the Republican ranks, have been the cause of no little political worry', Governor Johnson, however, who entered the race for the United States Senate in both the Republican and Progressive primaries, has been nominated on both tickets. Governor Johnson's nomination is regarded as a valuable omen of Republican success in the fall. Governor Johnson's opponent will be his onetime fellow-Progressive, Francis J. Heney. The Democrats are predicting that the Republican Old Guard in California will vote for Heney rather than for Governor Johnson.

Another victory in the primaries which encourages the Republicans is that of Mr. Myron Herrick in Ohio. We are glad to say that ex-Ambassador Herrick was nominated by a decisive majority for the Senate.

“ PRESIDENT WILSON AND PROSPERITY"

From a number of replies to Mr. Theodore Price's article on the economic achievements of the Wilson Administration we select the following for publication this week. Others may be printed in later issues.—THE EDITORS. To the Editors of The Outlook :

patiently to trace incidental economic effects As a presentation of individual opinion of and philosophically to analyze fundamental reasons for continuing the Democratic party processes, in this instance he stops short at in control of our Government, the article by the first link in a long chain. Theodore H. Price with the above title, in Mr. Price is a man of imagination. Let your issue of August 23, merits the enco him, in the exercise of that faculty, conceive miums you bestow in its prefix.

an isolated community depending on a single As a presentation of “economic and finan- manufacturing enterprise, employing substancial arguments ” it is subject to further re- tially the entire adult population; that entermark along other lines than those pursued in prise on the outbreak of the war abandoning your editorial.

its legitimate line and engaging in the munition After fairly and, with his unequaled facility business, doubling its capacity, tripling its in handling figures, clearly summarizing our force, and increasing by fifty per cent the economic growth during the past two years, average wage paid ; the railway serving that Mr. Price asserts: “Whatever profit the community carrying five times the freight it United States has derived from the war in did before the war; the shopkeepers' busiEurope is measured exclusively by the increase ness doubled; the moving-picture houses in the balance of trade in our favor.This filled daily in contrast to former tri-weekly statement he supports by an ingenious argu- performances; the farmers of the neighborment, reduced to its elements, apparently, as hood riding in motor cars paid for out of follows:

profits from sales of produce in the booming The excess of our favorable trade bal- town; landlords enjoying higher rents; bank ance over the normal during the past two deposits up seventy-five per cent; and such years being only $21.30 per capita, against other evidences of prosperity as the fancy, in a per capita increase in wealth during the the light of observation, may conjure. same period of $410, leaves $388.70 made The analogy may be crude; a reductio for each individual by the Democratic party. ad absurdum usually is. One need only to

Although the writer of your article in other recall how gradually business recuperated of his productions has been accustomed after the first shock of the war in the last

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months of 1914 and well on into 1915 to of Corporations. Perhaps the writer of your appreciate the economic process by which article may be able to point to substantial prosperity was disseminated. It was usual accomplishments toward the furtherance of then to hear the merchant or manufacturer prosperity by the Trade Commission during concerned with peace products say, in effect, its brief existence. They certainly have not “We're doing little-only people with war been emphasized in the public press. contracts are making money.” The change 5. The Clayton Bill by its terms does not was rapid; soon one became accustomed to become effective until next October in respect admissions of improvement, and finally to of the features which your writer enumerates. assertions of activity and good business in all 6. The Good Roads Law, as Mr. Price but relatively few lines.

says, “ promises " great things. But his arguMr. Price next asserts : “ Our prosperity ment is based on accomplishments, not has been mainly due to the encouragement promises. that has been given to business and enter- 7. The Agricultural Education Act, alprise by the Democratic party under the though two years old, is another prospect, in leadership of President Wilson," and cites in the class with the Rural Credits and Good support of his claim these seven Acts of Roads laws. Congress :

Thus these seven sisters of prosperity 1. The Federal Reserve Act, as your edi resolve themselves into a respectable adolestorial points out, is the product of the Repub- cent Republican, a Republican of at least lican statesmanship which created the Mone questionable virtue, a child with inherited tary Commission. You might have added progressive characteristics, and four promising that Senator Root, a Republican, by force of infants. logic and intelligence, at the eleventh hour More surprising than Mr. Price's forgetinduced a Democratic Congress to eliminate fulness of the incidental economic effects due from the then pending bill some of the most to stimulation of special industries is his material changes the Democrats had made in lapse of memory when he says : Thanks the Republican scheme for currency reform. to the conservatism, tact, and statesmanship of

2. The Rural Credits Bill became a law President Wilson, we have become the most within two months. The experiment into powerful Nation in the world, both morally which the Government will launch by virtue and economically.” If so, then why do we of its provisions may operate beneficently ; celebrate Washington's and Lincoln's birthbut as operations under this law have not yet days? Why do Democrats foregather to fairly begun, its contribution to past pros- honor Jefferson? Why do we make efforts perity is not apt to be elsewhere emphasized to conserve our National resources ? Indeed, during the present campaign.

why do we go to church ? 3. The Income Tax Law became a pos- “ President Wilson and prosperity" —the sibility only after the Sixteenth Amendment fact and Mr. Price's conclusions therefrom of the United States Constitution was ratified. bring to mind a farmer's son of whom AbraThat amendment was proposed by and rati- ham Lincoln was wont to speak on occasions. fied under Republican auspices and became This small buy peeked through the window effective only ten days before the Republic of the best room in the farm-house while his cans passed out of power. Without going older sister was entertaining a caller. In into the question, which a goodly number alarm he rushed to his father, shouting, of our people will deem debatable, whether “Come, hurry, Sue's sick !" The father inby any possibility the income tax contributes quired what evidence Sue gave of illness, to National prosperity, the Republicans, and the boy replied : “ She's sitting on the rather than the Democrats, seem entitled to sofa with Jim Brown and he's holding her whatever credit or blame attaches to the tight so she won't fall off. I think she's application of the income tax.

fainted.” 4. The Federal Trade Commission Act, if “You see,” Mr. Lincoln would add, "the memory serves, is in line with carrying out boy's facts were all right, but his conclusions the Rooseveltian policy, which first took con- were all wrong."

F. C. G. crete form in the establishment of the Bureau Philadelphia, August 29, 1916.

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