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informally to have caused the German Gov- such protection, not only for Americans but ernment to understand that to do so would be for other foreigners and for peaceable and to alienate the sympathies of the American law-abiding Mexicans, against the rapacity of people at the very outset of the war, and the banditti who have been allowed to roam when the first step toward that violation of over the country devastating and destroying Belgium was taken I would have protested unchecked and unpunished. . This would not in the name of America against it. I believe have been war against Mexico, it would have that America's part in the Hague Confer- been war for Mexico against her enemies ence gave us special reasons for such a pro and ours. test, but if not, I would have protested on I do not say that I would have done these the general grounds that America cannot things. For, I repeat, I would have been look with indifference on so gross a breach of guided by the counsels of my Cabinet and national faith, destructive of the sacredness limited in my powers by the action of Conof all treaties.
gress. But these specific suggestions, may In the Civil War a code of laws of war serve to indicate the spirit in which I hope was prepared under Abraham Lincoln's per- my administration would have been carried sonal supervision, which was subsequently on. The last four years make it perfectly made the basis of a similar code adopted by clear that Mr. Wilson will not carry on his the Hague Conference. I would have pro- Administration in this spirit, and that the tested in the name of America against the Democratic party would not sustain him in violation of that code—against the bombard- so doing if he tried; while the character and ment of unfortified cities, the torpedoing of past career of Mr. Hughes give us good merchant vessels without providing for the reason to believe that he will carry something safety of non-combatants, the needless de- of this spirit into his Administration, if he is struction of churches, hospitals, and libraries. elected, and will be supported by the Repub
When the Lusitania was sunk, I would lican party in so doing. have called home our Ambassador and sent For these reasons I shall vote for Mr. home the German Ambassador, and thus Hughes.
LYMAN ABBOTT. given the world to understand that America would hold no relations with a Power which in its wars violated alike the laws of nations
THE STRIKE AND AFTER and the instincts of humanity. I would have called a conference of all
The country is no longer laboring under the neutral nations and asked them to unite the threat of an immediate railway strike. with the United States in vigorous action to It has at least time to breathe and to think. protect the rights of neutrals. I should like It behooves all intelligent men to reconsider to have proposed to that conference to take calmly what has happened and to try to possession of all German shipping in neutral understand how the unprecedented action of ports, to open all neutral ports to the ships Congress will affect the social and industrial of the Allies, to put an embargo on all ex- future of the country. Many thoughtful ports to Germany and all imports from Ger- and patriotic men are pessimistic about the many--in a word, to notify Germany by action situation. The view of those who look with that so long as she disregarded the rights of grave distrust upon the action of the Presineutrals she could not expect from them the dent and Congress cannot be better exacts of neutrals. If the neutral nations, if pressed than in the words of a well-known even the United States alone, had adopted citizen who writes to The Outlook as folsome such policy, I believe that it would lows : have secured respect for the rights of neu I think the President, consistently with his trals even if it did nothing to secure respect general policy, has attempted to secure peace at for the laws of civilized warfare.
any price ; but he has not secured peace. He I would have pursued in Mexico the policy
has gained only a brief armistice. Instead of which The Outlook has continuously and
using the great opportunity to advance regula
tion and arbitration, he has confused the issues constantly urged. I would either have rec
and pushed the controversy into a more bitter ognized Huerta and demanded that his Gov
phase. ernment protect the persons and property of I do not believe this Congress has the vision Americans in Mexico, or I would have put a and courage to attempt anything in the way military force in Mexico sufficient to furnish of legislation for permanent peace during the
THE STRIKE AND AFTER
next session. Nor do I believe that the rail- to compel arbitration. Persuasion was the roads or Nation can hope for anything like dis- limit of his power. passionate treatment from this Administration.
He found that if the men were granted an Personally, it I had been a Member of Congress
eight-hour day the danger of an immediate I hope I should have voted against the Presi
strike would be removed. dent's measures. The strike would have been terrible, but I believe it could have been fought
There was a precedent for this action. It out better now than a year hence. If the Presi. seems to be somewhat generally overlooked dent had stood out for arbitration in any form that the Government of the United States which would have based its findings on a has already set its seal of approval upon the knowledge of the facts, I believe he would have eight-hour day. All wage-earners in Governcarried the whole country with him and have ment arsenals or other Government works helped the cause which the unions represent. now have the eight-hour day by statute, and Now the difference will widen, the bitterness
Congress, under a previous Administration, increase, and the fight come in the end. What
had gone so far as to forbid the Governever the men ought to have, they ought not to get it by taking us by the throat. Meanwhile,
ment to let contracts for public works to any the President has humiliated Congress even in
contractor who does not grant the eight-hour its own eyes. As at present constituted, it is a
day to the laborers he employs. cowardly body. It was frightened nearly to
It is said in criticism of the present action death by the Germans in March, and was barely of Congress that it was a misnomer to call restrained from passing a measure which would the question one of hours or labor conditions ; have abandoned our rights on the sea. Unless it is asserted that it was simply a question of regulation is now taken up in a big, intelligent, wages. It is true that for the men on the courageous spirit, we are in for the biggest kind
trains it will, to a large extent, result in an of trouble. I am not in despair, but I am
increase of wages rather than a restriction of ashamed.
hours of work. But the new law, of which We do not deny that there is much ground we give a synopsis on another page, is so for this view. We think the President may wide in its application that it will, if found to be fairly criticised for having postponed action · be Constitutional, affect thousands of men, until it was too late to take the course sug- such as signalmen, switchmen, telegraphers, gested by our correspondent, too late to frame and other employees who have fixed places anything but emergency measures. The of work, in their actual hours of labor. Our conflict between the men and the railway correspondent, quoted above, says that if he managers has been steadily increasing in had been a Member of Congress he would intensity for nearly a year. Notices regarding have voted against the measure, and that a it have been posted for the information of general strike would have been preferable to the public in many railway stations in the the yielding of Congress under duress. In country for months, and circular statements reply it may be said that if the present action and appeals have been sent out broadcast of Congress has not established a permanent by the men. If the President had called basis of peace neither would a general strike leaders of both sides before him weeks ago have settled the fight on a permanent basis and had said, as the chief representative of of peace. Strikes never do. the public, that the controversy must be arbi- With the horrors of the European war trated, there might have been-we think staring us in the face, a general railway there would have been-an excellent pros strike-which would amount to little less than pect of settling the fight on the basis of a bloody civil war—seems to us a method of arbitration. But that is more or less a mat- settling an industrial dispute to be avoided ter of academic speculation. The fact is at any cost, save that of violating a great that when the President summoned the two and unquestioned moral principle. Would contending parties and endeavored in a spirit our correspondent desire to have repeated of mediation to settle the quarrel, the organ- all over the country the turbulence and bloodized railway employees of the country had shed of the Pennsylvania strike of 1877, already authorized a strike. The great ques- the Pullman strike of 1894, or the Colorado tion he had to face was : Can anything be strike of 1914 ? Assuredly not. done to avert the horrors of a universal rail- The real question to be considered may be way strike without violating a moral principle resolved into two component parts : or sacrificing the welfare of the country? First, Are we nearer a reasonable and He had no authority to prohibit a strike or permanent basis of settling industrial disputes than we were before the action of Congress ? gain is repugnant. But if this country, as it We unhesitatingly answer, Yes.
ought to, should adopt a compulsory arbiSecond, Are the evils which the country tration law for the settlement of railway will suffer from the yielding of Congress to disputes, and the workmen by force should the urgency of the President and the duress attempt to fight the findings of a compulsory imposed by the labor unions greater than the arbitration board or court-such a fight as evils which would spring from a universal that we should enter upon with zeal and a railway strike and the complete disorganiza- clear conscience, for it would be a fight to tion of our social fabric which such a strike sustain a fundamental institution of the Rewould entail ? We answer, unhesitatingly, public. No. But we add the proviso that Congress Is it not possible for those who disagree as must now proceed to enact a law which will to the wisdom of the course of the President assuredly prevent the repetition of such an and Congress in the recent crisis at least to emergency as we have just passed through. agree in demanding that compulsory arbiIf Congress fails to enact such a law, we tration, sustained by all civic and military shall then, but not until then, agree with our power of the country, shall make such crises correspondent that the President's course has improbable, if not impossible, in the future ? been opportunist, superficial, and futile.
The Outlook has long advocated eight hours as the standard day for organized labor in factories, mines, and railways. As con
THE PIPES OF PAN sumers we should be willing to pay our pro The pipes of Pan are never silent ; they portion of any additional cost which the adop- can be heard above the tumult of cities and tion of such a standard might involve. But the deep-throated curses of the guns that it is neither just nor democratic that this turn ancient woods into blackened wastes. question should be determined for the Nation When poor Susan passed the corner of by a bureaucracy of either laborers or capi- Wood Street in the silence of the morning talists. The railways are not like other pri- and heard the song of the thrush that hung vate property. They are the highways of there, the city vanished from her sight and the Nation. Both the managers and the there rose before heremployees of the railways are the servants of "A mountain ascending a vision of trees: the Nation. It is intolerable that any com- Bright volumes of vapor through Lothbury glide. bination of either managers or employees And a river flows on through the vale of Cheapshould be able to dictate to the Nation on side. what terms the people may use their highways. We think it was wise for Congress She looks, and her heart is in heaven; but they to vote for the eight-hour day rather than fade, subiect the people to the terrible conse- The mist and the river, the hill and the shade ; quences of closing the highways for even a
The stream will not flow, and the hill will not rise,
And the colors have all passed away from her short season. Congress has done well to free us from the present distress. But this
eyes." is not enough. It ought now at an early No poet has known better than Wordsdate to devise some plan by which the peo- worth how inseparable are the inner and outer ple can decide with authority the terms and worlds, and how largely the beauty of the conditions on which the highways must be landscape lies in the eye and the music of the operated and can enforce their decision on spheres rests in the ear. So the creaboth managers and employees.
tive energy flows on from generation to This can be done by the enactment of a generation and the world is born anew for compulsory arbitration law. Our corre- every man who looks or listens. There is spondent, quoted at the beginning of this no age of miracles; the miracle is continuarticle, says that it would have been better to ous and we are part of it. The spring submit the issue to a strike. In the rioting comes in us as truly as in the bloom of that would have inevitably followed a general the earth about us, and the springs of life railway strike we should have shrunk from within us rise again when the birds come fighting with men over a mere question of back and the trees put forth their leaves. dollars and cents. Such a fight would have “In the beginning God," is written in the been a war of conquest, and conquest for poetic report of the making of the world ;
and then follow the innumerable generations who have shared in a creation in which the artist in God and the artist in man work together at
"The roaring loom of time And weave for God the robe thou seest him by."
There are moments when the deeps within us are stirred by the call of the deeps without us and nature and our spirits “whisper together of immortality.” So Wordsworth, in a fragment which Emerson used to read with thrilling intelligence, describes the boy who, “ when the earliest stars began to move along the edges of the hills," would stand beside the lake and blow mimic hootings to the owls, and they would answer him :
“And, when there came a pause Of silence such as baffled his best skill, Then sometimes, in that silence, while he hung Listening, a gentle shock of mild surprise Has carried far into his heart the voice Of mountain torrents; or the visible scene Would enter unawares into his mind With all its solemn imagery, its rocks, Its woods, and that uncertain heaven received Into the bosom of the steady lake.”
To the simple country girl at the corner of Wood Street in the most prosaic part of London, to the boy shouting to the owls on the shores of Lake Winander, to the sensitive Senancour in Switzerland, to Coleridge within sound of the “ five wild mountain torrents” that rush headlong through the Valley of Chamouni, nature speaks in different tones, but with a kindred magic ; and there is in every man, in every condition of life, a poet who understands.
Nor do the pipes of Pan ever fall wholly silent; even the passionate preoccupation of war does not hush them. Pheidippides, the fleet-footed runner of Athens, was racing to Corinth, carrying the news that the Persians had landed and that the light of Greece was at stake, when he came upon the great god Pan piping by the roadside, as he had piped a thousand times in the peace of the Arcadian hills. And the other day the lyre fell from the hand of Rupert Brooke, latest of the English singers, dying for England and liberty on an island in the Mediterranean. .
The pipes of Pan are heard, not only by those to whom culture and leisure make place for poetry, but by simple folk far from the centers of art, whose days are spent under the open sky and whose nights are splendid with the unbroken march of the stars; and they sing of plain things and
simple occupations with a magic as mysteriously beautiful as that with which they set great armies moving on distant fields or notate the elemental music of the spheres chanting the glory of God, the Creator, with sublime sweep of harp. Theocritus, reporting the sights and sounds of Sicily, home of goatherds, is as true a singer as Homer, companion of gods and heroes.
Pan was earliest at home in Arcadia, where he was the god of the herdsman and the guardian of the flocks, familiar with the simplest occupations and the rudest life, worshiped on the tops of mountains and in caves as well. His was also the inspiration which divined the deep mysteries of the universe and made men mad with glimpses of hidden presences moving on soundless feet in the secret places of nature. Fellow with the most uncouth men in a rough occupation, his worship was charged with mysterious awe, at times with the terror that breeds panics; for he was nearest the ways of men and yet wholly strange to them; incarnation at the same time of the most familiar and the most mysterious life about and within them. In one of his most beautiful pieces of prose Emerson wrote: “The great Pan of old—who was clothed in a leopard skin to signify the beautiful variety of things and the firmament, his coat of stars—was but the representative of thee, O rich and various man ! thou palace of sight and sound, carrying in thy senses the morning and the night and the unfathomable galaxy ; in thy brain, the geometry of the City of God; in thy heart, the bowers of love and the realms of right and wrong.”
Poetry inheres in the nature of man and begins to show him the wonder of the world as soon as the imagination stirs within him. It antedates knowledge and is a wisdom born with children and too often blurred or banished by the education which opens the textbook and bolts the doors and windows. The later knowledge lies largely prefigured and predicted in the noble myths which the race created in its childhood to explain the mystery of things to itself ; and to-day the Irish peasants use a language on which stars and lonely glens have set their seal, with a rhythm of voice and words beyond the reach of the schools. And yet there are those who talk of the lack of education of Shakespeare and Burns!
thousand interests, wholesome in themselves but tyrannical and limiting in their power of absorbing attention and energy,
assail the poet in man; but sooner or later, in haps arise a more solid co-operation of nations his hours of passionate pursuit of the things than the friends of eternal peace have thus that feed his body and starve his spirit, he far been able to bring about.” comes upon the great god Pan seated by the But Professor Francke also, in a single roadside, and on the instant the spell is upon sentence quoted from Hegel, indicates what him-half-forgotten landscapes rise before we believe is the real underlying cause of him and around him, and the perishing things the hostility of all free peoples to the Gerin which he lives take on a beauty not their man idea. To Hegel, says Professor Francke, own. The song of an invisible bird, a sud- the state is "the manifestation of the Divine den silence, a glimpse of self-forgetfulness and on earth.” This is rather worse than the heroism on a city street, a flower in bloom in dominant idea in the Middle Ages that the a tenement-house window, have power to Church is the manifestation of the Divine on remind him of his immortality. In the hour earth. Any notion that any class or caste, when the world he has made for himself political or ecclesiastical, is the manifestation seems most solid it is suddenly smitten with of the Divine on earth, to which all humanunreality and he is engulfed in mystery. ity should be subject, and by which the
The great god Pan was the most mysteri- world's civilization should be framed and ous of the gods, not because he brought the fashioned, is absolutely inconsistent with that vision of vague things with him—on the conception of democracy and that ideal of contrary, he was one of the plainest and universal human development in a free atmosmost neighborly of deities; but because he phere for which all democracies stand. It brought the deep things with him, the elusive is because of this Prussian ideal and the companionships of nature and men, the inter- resultant attempt of Prussia to impose this working of invisible forces, the flowing life ideal upon other peoples that the free nawhich has made this vast material universe, tions of the earth are invincibly opposed to to modern thought, not an organization of the domination of Prussia. We call this matter, but a boundless stream of force. ideal Prussian, not German, because there Happy the man in whose spirit the pipes of are increasing indications of a revolt among Pan keep the wonder and mystery of it all the German people against this immoral fresh and vitalizing.
conception of the state. Such an indication is furnished by the little but very significant
volume by Hermann Fernau, “ Because I THE GERMAN SPIRIT
Am a German," I written in Switzerland, con
fiscated in Germany, and now even forbidden We wish that all Americans might read this public sale in Switzerland, though written by little volume of Professor Kuno Francke's, one who describes himself as “ born and especially the first two essays. It is a sym- educated in Prussia " and "generally reputed pathetic, too eulogistic, but not uncritical a good Christian and a law-abiding German portraiture of the German people by a Ger- citizen by the authorities of my country.” man-American who appreciates and sympa His greatest offense is his demonstration that thizes with both the Americans and the Austria and Germany are responsible for Germans. No American can read it with an bringing on the war; his next greatest offense open mind and not get a kindlier and, we is his declaration that “ in the twentieth cenbelieve, juster view of the German people. tury there ought no longer, under any cirHe will also get from it a somewhat more cumstances, to be two morals—one for the hopeful view of the outcome of this terrible people at large, and the other for the state war; as, for example, in the following sen- and its princes.” tence quoted from the address of a German The future status of Germany among the captain on the field : “ This, I think, is true— civilized nations of the earth depends upon that the war has created a mutual respect the question whether Hegel as quoted by between the fighting peoples ; and upon the Professor Kuno Francke or Hermann Fernau basis of this mutual respect there may per truly interprets the spirit of Germany.
The German Spirit. By Kuno Francke. Henry Holt Because I Am a German. By Hermann Fernau. E.P. & Co., New York. $1.
Dutton & Co., New York. $1.