point of view, and it was one which many of those who believed in the retention of the Philippines were tempted to take in view of recent incompetence in dealing with the administration of those islands. Fortunately, the amendment was defeated, and the policy of pessimism and unfaith was defeated with it. Nevertheless, in some respects Senator Clarke's position commanded more respect than that of men who wanted in their hearts to get rid of the Philippines but had not the courage to say so.

Senator Clarke was not in high favor with the Administration. This is perhaps because the Administration was not altogether in high favor with Senator Clarke.

His death will make it necessary for the Senate to elect a new Chairman pro tempore.

DAIRY FARMERS ON STRIKE

After its diminishing epidemic of car strikes, sympathetic strikes, brewery strikes, ferry strikes, barbers' strikes, and others, more numerous than successful, New York City last week suffered from a strike of dairy farmers against the great distributing companies which in New York stand between the milk producers and the retail and smaller wholesale dealers. Milk is, above all, the children's food. A strike or quarrel as to prices which should actually cut off New York's supply of milk is even more terrible to contemplate than one which should cut off street car traffic. Fortunately, the reduction in the supply from normal was probably less than fifty per cent, and all parties concerned took pains to see that hospitals and families with children should not suffer.

As we write, a compromise involving a slight rise of price to the farmers but a yielding on their part as to making their agreements by collective bargaining" seems at least possible.

The trouble at the bottom of this dispute is that, as the farmers claim, the great selling agencies get too much and the farmer too little of the price of milk. The consumer (and every one is a consumer) certainly pays enough, as we can all testify. The milk farmer insists that his share is so small that often his business is without any profit at all, and many farmers threaten to abandon milk production altogether-which would tend, by the way, to advance prices to the consumer. They insist also that the big companies make an excessive profit as compared with their

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actual investment. On the other hand, the great distributing agencies, such as the Borden and Sheffield companies, insist that they have made the market what it is, have encouraged sanitation, have secured extra prices for high grades of milk and cream, have paid hundreds of thousands of dollars in premiums for quality and cleanliness, have made pasteurization possible. One of the Sheffield Company's advertisements adds, "People are drinking more milk because it is better milk." It is contended that to deal with representatives of the Dairymen's League instead of the farmers individually would lower standards, hurt both farmers and dealers, and increase New York's death rate.

One obstacle to the farmers' desire to deal through a league and through Mr. Dillon, of the Department of Foods and Markets, is New York's Donnelly Act, which forbids the fixing of prices. As with the unions, the farmers claim that for an individual to deal by himself with a powerful corporation like those named is one-sided bargaining and that collective bargaining or ruin is the alternative.

All this is a novel phase of the general industrial question, but the principles involved are the same as in railway or cloak strikes. The day of individual competition in public necessities is past. Arbitration after investigation, and with continuance of service during arbitration, must sooner or later be furnished by State or Nation in some form in all labor wars in which the people at large have a con

cern.

THE NEW JERSEY PRIMARIES

The primaries which recently took place in New Jersey indicate that the primary system is sometimes more successful than its adverse critics would indicate. It was said, in the first place, that the people would neglect to avail themselves of the privilege. Many Democrats did neglect the primaries, chiefly because of the unappealing character of both candidates for the United States Senatorship and because the Democratic candidate for Governor was practically unopposed. But the Republicans did not so neglect the primaries.

It was said, in the second place, that in the ultimate analysis the candidate who received the largest number of votes would be found to be precisely the candidate who would have been chosen by the old "machine "—that is to say, by a few men in a back room. Here again the critics were at fault. In the case

of the Republican candidate for the United States Senatorship, the party managers in convention would doubtless have chosen Franklin Murphy, who had had a very long connection with the regular organization and was in control of it throughout the State. Instead, Joseph S. Frelinghuysen was chosen. This indicates that the people's choice is not always the machine's choice.

Another indication of independence was the vote polled by Edmund B. Osborne for Senator. Mr. Osborne is an outspoken advocate of local option, and yet he won in a socalled "liquor district."

Aside from these and other evidences of the value of the primary as a political device, the Jersey primaries were marked by two features: The first was the claim on the part of the German-Americans that they had vitally influenced the election. It is said that they supported Frelinghuysen for no other reason than that his name was Dutch! It is said, too, that they supported Mr. Edge for Governor because he was supposed to be friendlier to them than was his competitor. But there were only two places where the German-American issue, as such, was really an issue-namely, in two of the Congressional districts. In one of these districts the candidate favored by the German-Americans won; in the other their candidate was defeated. But in the district where the German-Americans won their triumph was obtained only because the oppostion to their candidate was divided between two other candidates.

The final feature of the primaries was its significance with regard to the popularity of President Wilson in his own State. One of the candidates, Mr. Wescott, for the United States Senatorship had at least the Administration's passive support. The other candidate, Senator Martine, was known to rest under the Administration's displeasure. And yet Mr. Wescott was defeated. Although

the Martine vote in one so-called "German district" is reported to have been particularly low, undoubtedly Senator Martine gained some German and Irish votes because he had voted to withdraw protection from Americans imperiled by German submarines and had espoused the cause of Casement, the Irish knight recently executed in Eng land; but any strength secured in this way could have been easily overcome by a really capable opponent backed by a popular National Administration.

THE JAPANESE CABINET

The Japanese Cabinet, headed by Marquis Okuma, has resigned. More than a year ago the Premier offered his resignation along with the resignations of the other members of the Cabinet, but the Emperor was unwilling to accept them. Last spring his resignation was so strikingly forecast by the Prime Minister himself that its occurrence now will hardly surprise observers of events in the Far East.

The reason ascribed for Marquis Okuma's retirement from politics is his age. He is seventy-eight years old. In some quarters, however, his resignation will be interpreted as a sign that the jingo military element is getting into control in Japan and has made demands not in harmony with the views of a moderate like Marquis Okuma. The Opposition has long been insistently demanding that the Premier withdraw in favor of a man of bolder ideas. At the same time, because of the immense amount of misinformation that has recently been disseminated concerning Japan, it would be well for Americans not to accept all reports concerning the aims of Japanese policy; indeed, we ought to take every opportunity of setting our influence against the habit which many newspapers have formed, without waiting for knowledge, of assuming that any movement which Japan makes in any direction is full of subtle menace.

In Marquis Okuma's place the Emperor has requested Field Marshal Lieutenant General Count Seiki Terauchi, GovernorGeneral of Korea, to organize a Cabinet. Count Terauchi is sixty-four years old. He studied military science in France, and afterwards was military attaché there. Certainly the record of the former Director of the Military Academy, Vice-Chief of the General Staff, Minister of War, and Governor-General of Korea, is one to arouse the approval of the admirer of military and administrative efficiency.

NEW PRESIDENTS IN
PANAMA AND NICARAGUA

Sunday of last week was an interesting day in Panama and Nicaragua. In the first country a new President was inaugurated; in the second a new President was elected.

Succeeding Señor Belisario Porras (who, according to the Panaman Constitution, is not eligible to succeed himself), Señor Ramon Valdes, the President-elect, took office in the presence of all the Panaman authorities, of the diplomatic and consular corps, and of

General Edwards, Acting Governor of the Canal Zone. In the name of his colleagues the American Minister made a congratulatory address to the new President.

As with the presidential term in Panama, that in Nicaragua is for four years. Succeeding Señor Adolfo Diaz, who has been President since the Zelaya and Mena rebellion, Señor Emiliano Chamorro, the candidate of all the conservative factions, was elected. The elections, however, did not pass off without disturbance, chiefly started, it would seem, by Salvador Zelaya, nephew of the one-time President. The Zelayistas were against Señor Chamorro because the latter, as Minister to the United States, had signed the treaty by which the United States Government obtained an option on the construction of an interoceanic canal in Nicaragua and also a naval base on the Bay of Fonseca for the sum of three million dollars. Discussing the situation, the elder Zelaya is reported to have spoken as follows:

Nicaragua is no longer a republic. It is under foreign rule through General Chamorro. The promise of the [American] State Department to the Nicaraguan people that there would be fair elections has been violated. A President has been forced upon the Nicaraguan people whom they do not want and who is nothing more or less than a tool in the hands of others.

It is true that our State Department has been endeavoring to obtain fair elections in Nicaragua as in other Central American countries. If the elections in those countries are carried on without the former turbulence and if new governments are installed successfully without turning those countries from their present progress towards stable peace and prosperity, our State Department has in some degree succeeded in its supervisory policies in the Caribbean zone.

In that zone Nicaragua has been a pivotal point. Ever since the day when the older Zelaya was driven from power the State Department, largely because of the hundred marines stationed at Managua, has secured for Nicaragua a state of comparative peace at home and freedom from European intervention.

Beyond that, while the Department has endeavored to prevent any return to a Zelaya barbarity, it has followed a policy of strict neutrality as among parties and candidates in Nicaragua. Despite any present superficial indications to the contrary, we

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are confident that this policy will triumph in the end.

WORSHIP AND THE MODERN SPIRIT

A memorial, interesting to others than Episcopalians, is to be presented to the Episcopal General Convention, calling for a more fundamental revision of the PrayerBook than has yet been made. This memorial notes the fact that there has been no such revision since the Reformation, and that the revision following the Convention of 1913 was limited by the provision that it should not include any change of doctrine. The memorialists believe that "the Church in our day has been led by the Spirit of Truth as in the days of our fathers," that "there have been awakenings in the Church since the Reformation which have yielded vital contributions to our spiritual life," and that the results of these awakenings should find expression in the worship of the Church. way of illustration it refers to five modern movements" which, in our judgment, have certain contributions for a genuine and an inspiring enrichment of the Prayer-Book :"

By

I. "Our Prayer-Book assumes a congregation of Christ's people, met to worship and pray; a family, not a workshop; a religious association, not a militant army." The idea of the Church as one sent should find more effective expression in the ritual of the Church, and certain phrases based on the old conception of the heathen as outside the care of God and that that care is confined to his elect should be eliminated. Thus "the idea' accomplish the number of thine elect,' once vital, obscures the now inspiring conviction that it is humanity itself, not a section of it or a selection out of it, that Christ has redeemed."

II. The Church is now engaged in social work, as it was not when the present PrayerBook was adopted. The memorialists desire to have this socialized aspect of Christianity better recognized. "We desire to have our social liturgy enriched with prayers which declare that the kingdom of God has already come," and to include " prayers for specific needs of those who are at work for the kingdom, for faith, courage, patience, hope, enthusiasm, and energy."

III. During the past seventy years Christian scholarship has given to the Church a more accurate text of Scripture and a wealth of information throwing light upon Scripture

which the Church of the Reformation days did not possess. The liturgy ought to be revised in the light of this knowledge. Thus it should not continue to teach children in the Catechism" that by baptism they are made the children of God." This statement, left out of the first revision of the American Prayer-Book, but reinserted, owing to a compromise, should be eliminated from it.

IV. The liturgy, derived largely from the Latin Church, "has failed to emphasize that God is light . . . and that we are children of the Light. For one reminder of our high destiny as heirs of God there are many reminders that we are miserable offenders,' and our children are 'conceived and born in sin.'" The memorialists believe that one reason for the exodus of many members from all communions into forms of mind-cure religion is this falsity of emphasis.

V. There are differences in the Church, due partly to differences of opinion, partly to differences of temperament. The memorialists urge the recognition of this fact by allowing for such differences of opinion, and for this purpose propose "the adoption of a rubric at the beginning of the Book of Common Prayer to the effect that the use of the Book is to be optional with the individual congregation." Unity and uniformity are not the same. The memorialists believe" that harmony in the Church is to be maintained only by agreeing to disagree."

How widespread in the Episcopal Church are the views expressed in this memorial we have no means of knowing. It is, however, signed by men of sobriety of judgment and wide National influence, among them such men as R. Fulton Cutting, John Howard Melish, George Foster Peabody, Herbert L. Satterlee, and, "concurring in the main purport of this memorial but not able to subscribe to all its details," we note, among other names, those of Seth Low and Warren L. Rogers. Few, if any, of the Protestant Churches, except the Episcopal and the Lutheran, have a required ritual. Their freer ministry does not need any legislation to enable them to adapt their extemporized prayers to the spirit and the needs of the time. But it will be well for their ministers to ponder these suggestions and consider how far the spirit and the needs of the time call for a modification both in their conduct of public worship and in their teaching. The Outlook is very much in sympathy with the spirit of this memorial.

THE WORK OF THE WEEKS BILL

In 1911 the Weeks Bill, which had long been pending in Congress, became law. The bill was so called after its sponsor, Representative, now Senator, Weeks, of Massachusetts. Its object was the acquirement by the National Government of watersheds on navigable streams. The Secretary of Agriculture was authorized to protect and administer these acquired lands as National Forests. While the purpose was to keep timber growing permanently upon all portions, judicious thinnings were, of course, to be made, so that all the mature growth which could be spared from the forests without impairing their protective powers should be removed. The character of this work has already been abundantly approved in the protection of watersheds from destructive erosion.

To this end Congress appropriated $11,000,000. Under the law purchases have been made in New Hampshire, the Virginias and the Carolinas, Georgia, and Tennessee. This means that many watersheds in the White and Appalachian Mountains have been saved. The total purchases made and approved in these mountains exceed two million acres. By "made" we include those areas whose title has actually passed to the United States Government, while under "approved" we include those areas which have been negotiated for and whose purchase has been approved by the National Forest Reservation Commission.

This Commission is composed of the Secretaries of Agriculture, the Interior, and War, two Senators, and two Representatives. Authority is conferred upon it to pass upon lands recommended; indeed, no lands may be bought unless it approves. Lands are to be purchased by the Secretary of Agriculture after he has secured the consent of the State in which such lands are to be permanently reserved and administered as National Forest lands. They are deeded to the United States of America. Though the law does not mention the White Mountain or the Appalachian regions specifically, they were, of course, in the minds of Congressmen when the bil passed. As a matter of fact, no land has been acquired under the Weeks Law except in these regions.

The result of all the action taken is, first, that the supply of water has been regulated; second, that watershed forests, administered on forestry principles, are definitely assured;