late day. In spite of these facts, the struggle was so close that the day after the primary the issue was still in doubt. Mr. Bacon made his sole campaign on preparedness, including universal military service, and on the fulfillment of international obligations. His course was a brave one, and the remarkable vote he received proved that it was also a wise one. Whatever the result, the large vote for Mr. Bacon shows that the people of New York State can be counted on to respond to an appeal to duty and honor.

In the Democratic primary Mr. McCombs, former Democratic National Chairman, was nominated for the Senatorship.

James R. Mann, the Republican leader in Congress, after a struggle, was renominated by the Republican voters in his district in Illinois; while ex-Senator Lorimer, who sought the Republican nomination for Representative in Congress in another district in the same State, was, we are glad to record, defeated. Colonel Frank O. Lowden was nominated by the Republicans for Governor of Illinois; while the present Governor, Edward F. Dunne, was renominated by the Democrats. Governor Dunne's victory was a defeat for the Roger Sullivan faction in the party. For Congressman-at-Large, Medill McCormick, a former Progressive, led the field of Republican candidates.

In the State of Washington, Miles Poindexter, who had the distinction of being for some time the only Progressive United States Senator, was renominated for the Senate by the Republicans. The nomination of Mr. McCormick and that of Senator Poindexter are two of many indications that the Republicans and Progressives are fast reuniting.

It is a satisfaction to record that in South Carolina Cole Blease, former Governor, whose attacks on the Negro, whose defense of lynching, and whose wholesale release of prisoners brought disrepute to the State, has been defeated for the Democratic nomination for the Governorship by the renomination of Governor Richard I. Manning. Of course in South Carolina this nomination is equivalent to election.

Unfortunately for Georgia, Hugh M. Dorsey has received the Democratic gubernatorial nomination. As Solicitor-General of the Atlanta Criminal Court he prosecuted Leo M. Frank for murder. In the events which followed Frank's conviction there was a campaign of appeal to mob violence, to anti-Jewish feeling, and to class prejudice

which resulted in a state of affairs that the best people of Georgia deplored. When Leo M. Frank was finally lynched in Georgia, Solicitor-General Dorsey took no vigorous measures to punish the lynchers. His nomination, though by a plurality, not a majority, indicates that the public of Georgia has not yet become aware of the stigma that was attached to the State. Mr. Dorsey's own statement that the nomination means that the people of Georgia are determined to manage their own affairs indicates this.

In Denver George A. Carlson, whose administration as Governor has brought credit to the State, has been renominated by the Republicans. In Arizona Governor Hunt has received the renomination from the Democrats.

THE PRESIDENTIAL CAMPAIGN

For so late a stage of the Presidential campaign there seems to be little that is stirring the people.

Early last week Mr. Hughes started on his second campaign trip. This will take him into the principal States of the Middle West. As he started on this trip he emphasized anew the issue which he has been making the foremost one in his speechesthat raised by the so-called eight-hour law that put an end to the railway strike. He is insisting that when Congress yielded to the threat of a strike, it subordinated a principle to an exigency, and he is urging that the people repudiate such methods of dealing with industrial questions, and that they show by their votes that they believe investigation and a knowledge of the facts should precede all such legislation. He is also emphasizing competence and efficiency in government, and is pointing out instances in which the present Administration has been incompetent and inefficient for political reasons. So far he has not undertaken, to any great extent, to carry on a campaign of education of the American people in the large questions of international obligation raised by the European war. He has been devoting himself largely to domestic issues and the Administration's Mexican policy.

The astonishing vote given in the New York primaries to Robert Bacon, the candidate for the Senatorial nomination, who, as we have said, put foremost the international duty of the United States and universal military training, indicates that the people of

this country are much more ready for those issues than most of the political campaign speakers have seemed to imagine. We wish Mr. Hughes would take a leaf from Mr. Bacon's note-book.

So far, apart from his speech of acceptance, President Wilson has taken no active part in the campaign for his re-election. It has been announced unofficially that he will make no campaign trips, but will answer his opponents by addresses made at his own summer residence, Shadow Lawn. In this he is following precedent. It is evident that he believes that his best course is to point to the legislation enacted during his Administration, and to reiterate the claim that the Administration's course in international matters has kept the country out of war.

JOSIAH ROYCE

Of the three men who for years made the Philosophical Department at Harvard pre-eminent only George Herbert Palmer now survives. William James, pioneer in psychology, who adventurous mind led him. into unconventional regions of thought, a philosopher who raised common sense into a position both of dignity and interest, died six years ago. And now his and Professor Palmer's colleague, Josiah Royce, has also died. There have been philosophers who treated philosophy as if it had no relation to life, and whose mental operations were as far removed from useful employment as the performance of an acrobat is from that of a skilled mechanic. It is because philosophy has seemed so often far removed from the realities of life that philosophy has had a bad name among the plain people.

Different as these three men of Harvard were, they were alike, however, in being real philosophers, lovers of wisdom, searchers for the truth that lies in reality and real experiences. This is true of Royce's idealism. That which he thought and taught he made a basis of conduct.

Though he was a profound student of the history of philosophy, he was not a receiver, reporter, or compiler of second-hand opinions. Neither did he, as many philosophers have tried to do, undertake to separate mental processes from moral considerations. He could not see any way to the truth except through loyalty. To think straight was, according to Professor Royce's philosophy, just another way of being straight.

In reading what Professor Royce wrote

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one feels the assumption behind it all that its truth is to be tested by experience.

A most interesting illustration of this fact occurred when the war broke out in Europe. He had expounded a theory in a book called "The Process of Interpretation." He was to read an address before the Philosophical Union of the University of California late in August, 1914. The address that he prepared is called "War and Insurance," and it was written, as he said, during August, "under the immediate influence of impressions due to the events which each day's news then brought to the notice of us all ; and yet with a longing to see how the theory of 'interpretation' . . . would bear the test of an application to the new problems which the war brings to our minds."

True to his philosophy, his mind discerned the nature and character of the war and its issues. His words with regard to the wrong perpetrated by Germany were ringing words. Nothing that has been said concerning the colossal crime of Germany in sinking the Lusitania has surpassed in vigor, incisiveness, and clearness what he said last January in a meeting in Boston, when he spoke of the spirit of Germany as bearing "the primal curse upon it--a brother's murder."

Not only was his intellect a penetrating one, but it had at its command pure, clear English. Few philosophers have known. SO well how to write. Royce's books might well serve as models of English. Indeed, this command of the mother tongue was a characteristic of his two colleagues, Professor Palmer and Professor James, each having a distinctive style worthy of study.

Small in stature, with a Socratic kind of face, Professor Royce's outward appearance belied his intellectual stature. The youth who heard him lecture in his high, strident tones might perhaps be pardoned for failing to recognize in this teacher one of the great and impressive men of the day.

It is hard to imagine the mind of Josiah Royce as the product of any other nation than the United States. No man in outward appearance could furnish a more complete contrast to the American of British literature, with his bragging and his materialism, than he. But we believe that it is in such a man as Josiah Royce that one can discern the real American. It would be well if America to-day would listen to his philosophy; and at all costs keep faith and be loyal.

At his death Professor Royce was sixty

years of age. He was a native of California and a graduate of the University of California, and at that University had been instructor in English literature and logic for four years when, in 1882, he was called to be an instructor in philosophy in Harvard University, where he remained in the Philosophical Department, becoming Alford Professor of Natural Religion, Moral Philosophy, and Civil Polity in March, 1914. He was the author of one novel and many books of philosophy. Like Bergson, he was one of the eminent constructive philosophers of the day.

TWO NOTABLE CITIZENS

The cities of New York and Chicago have just met with notable losses in the death of Horace White and William James Calhoun. Mr. White died in his eighty-third year. His life recalls the early days of Beloit College, from which he graduated in 1853, and the early days of journalism in Chicago, where he worked as city editor of the Chicago "Evening Journal." Mr. White on one occasion wrote:

This was the day of small things in journalism. The duties of the city editor included reporting the police court, fires, markets, theatrical matters, and public meetings; also looking over part of the exchange papers, setting type in any sudden emergency, and assisting in folding and addressing newspapers for the mail whenever help was needed in that department. The pay was five dollars per week and was often in arrears.

After remaining a year in the "Journal's " service Mr. White was appointed Chicago agent of the New York Associated Press. He then became connected with the Chicago "Tribune," and reported all the LincolnDouglas debates. Mr. White wrote of his first meeting with Lincoln, when the "Tribune" sent him to report the future President's speech against the Missouri Compromise:

At first glance his appearance was not attractive. He was tall, bony, angular, and destitute of all the graces except a winning cast of countenance with which he greeted all comers. But that counted for much. Kindliness and honesty beamed from his eyes and from every wrinkle on his face.

It was a warmish day in early October, and Mr. Lincoln was in his shirt sleeves when he stepped on the platform. I observed that, although awkward, he was not in the least embarrassed. He began in a slow and hesitating manner, but without any mistakes of language,

dates, or facts. It was evident that he knew what he was going to say, and that he knew he was right. . . . I have heard celebrated orators who could start thunders of applause without changing any man's opinion. Mr. Lincoln's eloquence was of the higher type which produced convictions in others because of the conviction of the speaker himself.

After acting as Washington correspondent for and editor-in-chief of the Chicago "Tribune," Mr. White with others formed the first news agency to compete with the Associated Press. In 1881 Henry Villard, owner of the New York "Evening Post," invited Mr. White, Mr. Schurz, and Mr. Godkin to assume its management. Mr. White remained in active service with the "Post" until 1903. His specialty was political economy, and as his "Money and Banking." long a college text-book, shows, he was an expert on the subject.

William James Calhoun, late Minister to China, died in his sixty-ninth year. President McKinley sent him as special commissioner to Cuba, President Roosevelt sent him in the same capacity to Venezuela, and President Taft appointed him to China. At the present time, when so much is said about Japanese commercial and political aggression, it is just as well to remember Mr. Calhoun's warning as to lost opportunities in China. At a dinner given to him in Chicago on his retirement from office he remarked:

A great deal is said about "dollar diplomacy." I do not know what is meant by that phrase. In olden times the great forces were political; in later days they are more economic. The railways of China are opening up the country. The nations that lend China money have a voice in the construction, the routes and operations of the railways. We have no voice in the trade that is being opened up. . . . We talk about the "open door." Of what use is the "open door" if we never use it or if other people crowd in and occupy the field before we get there? China must be opened up. It requires money. The country is poor. We can aid by loans. We can help only by co-operation with other financial interests. If there be no governmental support, the foreign country must withdraw, and that closes the "door."

A GREAT SPANISH DRAMATIST

By the death of José Echegaray, Spain loses one of its most distinguished men of letters, and the world loses a foremost dramatist.

Echegaray did not begin his career as a