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can States. The soul and vigor of this North- hangs one of the most interesting tales in western democracy was everywhere an inspira- current American political progress. tion to Hughes. And as we went over State The friends and foes of prohibition are after State in this vast domain, with its fine to try conclusions again this fall in Calisense of National unselfishness and freedom fornia. Every great vineyard in California and equality and the right, I could not help has a great sign warning against it.
But my thinking of poor little old New York, with the best information is that there is a very strong finest people in the world, but with as yet a probability that the first amendment proposed too narrow-visioned public and political leader- will win this time, and that saloons will be ship. And I hear again the genuine enthusi- driven from the State of California. In asm of the Northwest and the voice of Washington and Colorado attempts are being Hughes as he said to them over and over : made at the coming election to modify the “New York and the Northwest must stand existing law. But nothing could be more shoulder to shoulder--we go up or down futile than the effort. In Washington even together.”
the extremely conservative Blethen, of the Suddenly, to the wonderment of many of Seattle " Times," who fought prohibition the younger newspaper men of the Hughes bitterly, was out just before we came into party, we ran into the Western prohibition the State with a declaration that all the wave. Instead of receding, it is rising higher power of his papers would be turned against and higher. In Wyoming it shares, with the any step backward. Like William H. Cowles, struggle over the Senatorship, the chief atten- the very progressive owner of the Spokane tion of the people. In Utah both parties papers in the eastern part of the State, he have declared for it, and there is no question holds that the economic results as well as about the passing of the law or its enforce- the moral results of one year of prohibition ment. The Mormon Church will be behind are beyond price. And the same thing is it. “ You know," said a leading Mormon to true in Colorado. Every witness of whom I me, " there weren't any saloons in Utah until made inquiry, including Governor Carlson, the non-Mormons began to move in. who is prohibition's most valiant champion are naturally a temperate people." In an- in the State, told me the same story. The ticipation of the aridity which is to be, the majority for it, if it were voted upon most popular song of a very considerable again, would be doubled and more. Said Salt Lake element of the population is a para- a prosperous and excellent citizen who took phrase of “ Tipperary :"
me about Denver in his car, “ My cellar is "It's a long way to San Francisco,
still well stocked, and I voted wet. But"It's a long way to go.
pointing to a corner where one of the It's a long way to San Francisco, leading saloons used to be—"all these To the wettest town I know.
places are filled up and good business has Then good-by, Tom and Jerry,
covered every loss and more. Why, the Farewell Rock and Rye,
Brown Palace Hotel never did so well. It's a long, long way to San Francisco, And I don't know," he said ; "it's a more When Utah goes dry.”
clean and wholesome town. If this thing Perhaps I will write something more later comes up again in any form, I vote dry." about Utah, about something even more im- A reporter for the Kansas City * Star," portant than the prohibition situation in that whom I met on our train, and who had State. Utah is on the verge of being one of been spending a week in Denver interthe most progressive commonwealths in the viewing for his paper, and in the interest of Union. I know, like Vermont, it went for the prohibition movement in Missouri, many Taft. I know about the Reed Smoot ma- leading bankers and merchants who had chine, and the Mormon machine, and the voted wet last time, told me the same Union Pacific influence, and the beet sugar story. It is dry for all of them if the matter influence, and all that. But the Repub comes up again. lican candidate who won in the primaries It is in the air of the West-anything that the nomination for Governor this year was injures man, woman, or child, whether it is the Progressive nominee for Governor in 1912 political or economic tyranny or liquor, or -a Mormon ecclesiastic, a “stake” presi- whatever it is, has got to go. And there is dent with ten or fifteen bishops under him, very much of this sentiment that is naturally a progressive of progressives. And thereby Republican. How, in the name of goodness,
HUGHES AND THE PEOPLE OF THE WEST
is Eastern Republican conservatism going to trate it better than by alluding to the horrorstand against it? If conservatism tries it stricken attitude of mind of the wife of one of again, it means another revolution and de the Republican candidates for United States struction. The best conservatism can do is Senator in that part of the country, who to guide this liberal sentiment and balance it found out that one of the women workers for the good of the whole Nation.
from the East was developing a branch And Montana. I understand that some of the Hughes alliance among Democrats. body said, when the tour was being arranged, She expressed the view that that kind of that we should slip past Butte in the night, effort ought to be looked into, as very likely because Butte was always a troublesome treasonable to the cause. The idea of a strike center. Nothing could be sillier. The Democrat voting the Republican ticket was Hughes meeting and experience in Butte instinctively obnoxious ! How could he ? were inspiring. There was no mass-meeting Why should he ? He doesn't belong to the anywhere which gave expression to a more same church. thorough Americanism. When the band At the time that Hughes went through played and sang, “ We'll never haul the old California the political situation involved for flag down,” you could hear the echo of the the moment an irreconcilable conflict. And cheers from the surrounding hills. Montana he could only proceed quietly and steadfastly is one of the most perfect examples of what on his way and follow the course which he has been wrong in American political life. had pursued in every other State he had For years it was a hot-bed of political corrup visited—that is, accept the conduct and the tion during the feud days of Heinze and Daly escort of the at-the-moment prevailing Re- ! and Clarke. But this sort of thing never publican organization, and avoid taking part' grew out of the heart and the mind of the in local controversies, even where some people. It was the result of a greedy legal local injustices had undoubtedly been done. struggle over previously unsurveyed and un 1910 and 1912 were good years for charted angles of property beneath the sur head-breaking, and there was a lot of it face which had turned out to be of enormous done that needed to be done. But the job value. And these violently contesting eco this year of National leadership of a slowly nomic groups sought to move legislatures and reconstructing party is of a different sort. courts and the powers of darkness, each to And the result in California turned out haphis own behest. But that is all past now ; pily anyway, without the slightest intentional these shady economic rights are at least prejudicial effort one way or the other on the legally established, the legislature and the part of Hughes. electorate of Montana as well as the courts The days of political mediaevalism and are lifted above those days, and the State has proscription and economic short-sightedness probably the most drastic corrupt practices and trying to put it over on human folks act that exists anywhere in the world. And generally are evidently done in California Montana-keep your eye on
that State. Republicanism also. The Progressive JohnThere is no commonwealth in the North son's splendid victory in the Republican west with greater possibilities of economic primary, his control of the Republican organand political progress.
ization, and his practically assured election as When we reached the Coast, in western Republican United States Senator would Washington and California, we came again seem to establish that. Don't you see that upon the trail of the Old Guard spirit and the wave of Republican liberalism has got temper which brought on the Republican started again all over the West ? revolution. Now that Hiram Johnson is Everywhere the trail of liberalism and destined to become the Republican leader of democracy. Down to the southernmost the Pacific Coast, it is illuminating to com point of California, where in the Exposition pare his point of view with that of his reac inclosure at San Diego, in the great peristyle tionary adversaries. With Johnson a party of the organ, under a marvelously blue sky, is a channel for the expression of the popu with a background of buildings and foliage lar will and an avenue of public service and parasols and women's dress of wonderand nothing more. With his adversaries a ful range of color-reminding you of the party is a fetish, a purely theological church. Stadium at Harvard on a perfect class dayThe adversaries of Johnson on the Coast are with the flags blowing and the welcome from mediæval in their thinking. I cannot illus the great throat of the organ, many thou
sands of eager men and women, who seemed have been fruitful of great good on the whole to have nothing to do but to listen, hearkened to the life of the country. But I think this to the message of the man who might be- election is not to be lost or won by enthusicome by the election their great National asms, but by the presence or absence of a leader. It was a vast audience of free profound sense of National duty, by the men and free women who could actually presence or absence of a firm “set” on the sing “ The Star-Spangled Banner,” which is part of the mind of the country toward the more than any other audience can do that I underlying need of the country. Measured ever heard in this world—a fine, cheery by this test, I think Hughes in the West people, a paradise even for old folks and everywhere met the sober judgment of the babies.
electorate with respect to the qualifications of What a country!
As we wended our way a National leader. He made throughout his back up the hot San Joaquin Valley with the journey a deep impression of a firm, delibertemperature 104° in the shade—but you ate, straight-out man who knows how to do don't have to stay in the shade, as some- his duty. He aroused those reactions which body in terpolated—and on through again to lie in the practical sense rather than in the the East, there rushed upon me, as frequently emotion of the average citizen. He made before, out of experiences in the West the his audience think or at least pretend to think, conviction of the perfectly tremendous poten- and inspired respect and confidence rather tialities of the American people. Under the than ebullience. He gave evidence of a deep skin they are the same wherever you go. desire to help and of great ability to help his Can't combine efficiency with freedom ? fellow-countrymen, but he marked out no They can combine freedom with anything. easy path. “ Not demagoguery, not standWhat an international crime it is that such patism, but hard common sense,” he said possibilities of efficiency and Americanism again and again, is the way to peace and should lack fit organization and public guid- safety. Coolly and accurately analyze the ance! So far as American citizenship is a facts in every emergency, find out what is byword among ourselves and abroad, it is justly and fairly demanded by the facts, and solely because we ourselves permit our Gov- then go and do it. Everywhere he made the ernment to put that face upon itself in do- impression of genuineness, of downright, unmestic and foreign relations. The govern- assuming, abiding sincerity. ment that is pushed off its feet and its poise I heard a man say that whether Hughes by class interest at home, or by barbarism on was elected or rejected depends a good deal its border, or by arrogance across the seas. in the present contingency upon whether cannot fitly represent such a people as the Barnum was right or Lincoln was right in his people of the United States.
estimate of the American people. I don't I have been asked since my return whether think that. No matter what happens, I am there seems to be the sort of enthusiasm for sure that the qualities which Lincoln discerned the Republican party and its leader in the and anchored to in his hope for the future of Western part of the country which presages the country lie deep in the nature of our a change of administration in Washington. whole citizenship. I am sure also that in the It depends upon how you measure enthusi- great Northwest the recent suspicion of Reasm. If by crowds and applause, we had publicanism is slowly passing away. The plenty of them. If by bands, we had far earlier and truer spirit within the party of a more than our share. I didn't believe, and I patriotic and triumphant liberalism is returnstill refuse to believe, that there are so many ing. I look for Hughes to carry everything bands in the world as met us at stations by that is naturally Republican in that whole the way. But what I saw convinced me that section of country in November. The psythe test of what the American people propose chological “set” in the West, as in the East, to do in November is not to be measured by is towards confidence in the record and charpolitical ebullience. We have had twenty acter of Hughes, and towards a return of years of political agitation and revolution, Republicanism to power in the Nation. which, with some evils following in their train, New York, September 12, 1916.
STRIKES AND THE PUBLIC
BY PAUL W. BROWN
EDITOR OF THE ST. LOUIS REPUBLIC"
ITHIN the recent past we have By this criminal indifference, manifest
seen the Congress of the United through many years and unshaken by the
States enacting one of the most protests of a few far-seeing men, we, the important labor statutes ever passed, for general public, have trained two groups of no other reason than that a general railway citizens, second to none in their power in strike would paralyze the business of the modern society, to the belief that justice and country and cut off the means of subsistence equity count for nothing in industrial,disputes, of millions of people if it did not pass this law. and that the entire reliance of both sides This marks a new departure in American must be upon force. Opposite as the poles legislative history. We have had in the past in many of their views, the trades-unionist plenty of legislation enacted at the behest of and the employer have always held one belief special interests, representing small groups in common : that the general public interest of citizens, but the fiction of free action and in labor disputes is exactly limited to their due deliberation has been hitherto religiously relation to public convenience, and that the preserved. It is important that we take note moral factors in them do not appeal to the of causes and fix responsibility for this de- public mind. The effects of this have been parture from tradition.
the more disastrous in view of the increasing The anarchy of massed wealth in the ethical temper of society in dealing with other United States has long been the theme of social questions. If a workingman's child is moralists. The anarchy of trades-unionism knocked down by a passing vehicle, a modern is working its way to favor as a topic to-day. ambulance hurries to the spot, and the little But the fact has been singularly overlooked one enjoys, in a modern hospital, care which by all commentators that the responsibility the wife of the President could not have comfor the contempt of both for laws, ordinances, manded a half-century ago; but the father of and constituted authorities rests squarely that child may be turned out of the shop upon the shoulders of the public, in view of where he makes his living by an employer the public attitude toward industrial disputes. desiring to “get the union," and society cares
This attitude has been one of the most nothing for the fact or the consequences. If callous indifference, not only to the welfare, a drunken man pauses and sings a maudlin but also to the plain rights of both employers song at 1 A. M. on the walk in front of the and employees. There is no large city in employer's house, an officer—or two, if necthe United States that has not, within the essary—comes at once ; but if his plant is past decade, seen well-doing manufacturers closed by a "sympathetic strike," society employing union labor, whose men were with- cares not, “ so long as
violence is out grievances, ruined by the closing of their works by what is called ironically a “sympa- From this results the undying bitterness thetic " strike, while the extent of the public of both sides in industrial disputes. There interest was measured by the remark that is none of the victor's usual good nature nothing could be done, since" no violence had here. “We won,” says the employer, “but been offered,” it being considered anything it wasn't because we had the right of it, but violent to bankrupt a prosperous business though the union hadn't a leg to stand on. man for no just cause. Within the same We won because we could get on without time, in these same communities, well-doing the men who went out, and they knew it. union workmen, supporting families and pay- If our contracts had not been just as they ing for little homes, have been turned out with- were, we should have been beaten, with all out warning by lockouts, determined upon, the right on our side.” “We won,” says not because of anything the workingmen had the victorious union official, “but it wasn't done, but because of what it was concieved because we had a good case, though we were they might do. And the public has disregarded only fighting for the necessaries of life. We the incident. For what are hunger and in- won just because the warehouses were empty justice in the absence of “violence "? and the mills full of partly finished orders.
If they hadn't given in, we could have ruined court, because the railway has had granted to them, and they saw it and came down.” it by the sovereign people the right of emi
By this indifference, we, the general public, nent domain. The money to build a railway have trained up two sets of men who are, in comes from the people-part from a generous the simplest meaning of whe words, danger- land grant, more from savings banks and ous to society. For that man is a social insurance companies which invest their inperil who honestly believes that his rights comes in railway securities. Then the people count for nothing in the minds of his fellow- pay the rates the railway charges. The little men, and that in matters as fundamental as town changes. The slaughter-house falls to his right to do business or his dependence ruin ; the butcher buys his meat from the on his work for his living he has no resource great packing company to which the farmers except physical force.
ship their cattle and hogs. The wagonThe popular philosophy of labor disputes maker dies; his son goes to the city, and is very clear and very simple. It declares gets the sixth fire on the left side in the that the right to work or quit and the right wagon factory there. The city dairymen go to hire and discharge at will are natural out of business, and a milk train takes milk rights of man. To abrogate the first would from the village every morning. In the be to introduce involuntary servitude ; to in- course of years the whole business and industerfere with the second would be to deprive trial structure of the country is built over the individual of the right to do his will because of the railway, which was not only with his own property.
Therefore we may built by the people's money and sustained do nothing so long as no violence is by their payments of rates, but which is offered."
founded on a delegated governmental power. This view is so shallow that we should not The right of the people to compel the have been contented with it for an instant continuous operation of that railway is one had it not accorded with our mood of moral with the right of self-preservation. It is one laziness. To realize this let us look at the with the right of defense when attacked by a relation of the public to the railways, and to foreign foe. In our fatuous indifference to their continuous operation.
the moral rights both of employers and of Every railway starts, not with a private workingmen, we have had the experience exercise of private rights, but by a public which from the beginning of things has grant of one of the powers of a sovereign overtaken those who have found that an state, for certain purposes, to certain individ- injustice to others only buries the barbs of uals. This is, of course, the power of emi- injury in one's self, and that in the very act nent domain, by which the public is partner of ignoring the rights of others we perforce of every railway company in the United ignore our own. The way out of our present States through every hour of every day of tangle must be sought along the line of its existence. Here is Smith, running a assumption of our neglected responsibilities grocery under the natural rights of man ; and practical vindication of our own neglected he wishes to enlarge it, and Jones refuses yet undoubted rights. And our first step to sell the lot next him. But the rail- must be the clear recognition of the fact that way comes from the State capital and takes we ourselves have sowed the seed now.coming Jones's lot forthwith at a price fixed by the to harvest.