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THE

MONTHLY REVIEW,

For SEPTEMBER, 1825.

ART. I. A History of England from the first Invasion by the Romans to the Commonwealth. By the Rev. John Lingard, D.D. Vols. IV. V. and VI. Mawman. 1820-1823-1825.

IN

N former numbers of this Review the first, second, and third volumes of this history were noticed in terms of commendation, to which they were fully entitled. The volumes at present before us merit at least equal praise for the judicious selection which the author has made, from a much wider and less obscure range of materials than he had to explore in' his earlier labors, and they, moreover, present us with specimens of the most perfect narrative-style with which we are acquainted in our language.

These three volumes embrace the history of nearly a century and a half, the most interesting, whether from the variety and bold features of its events, or from the most important consequences which those events have produced, not for England only, but for a large portion of the world. They commence with the accession of Henry VIII., and proceeding through the reigns of Edward VI., Mary, Elizabeth, and James I., end with that of Charles I. The three first of these reigns are depicted in the most vivid colors. The prudent and wily character of Elizabeth, now so well understood, is no where more faithfully portrayed than in the pages of Dr. Lingard. He exhibits James I. to us in the most favorable light, by simply making him appear ridiculous. The history of Charles I. supplies us with an awful lesson of the follies of that favoritism, which began in the reign of his father, and was so fruitful a source of calamity to himself.

In every part of this work we are delighted with the simplicity, clearness, strength, and classic harmony of the author's style. His sentences are uniformly distinguished by that great merit, unity of idea, which the majority of modern writers too frequently neglect. From the prevalence of this perfection, we could almost imagine some of the finest passages in this history to be elegant translations of the purest VOL. CVIII. Greek

B

Greek or Latin writers.., Livy's copiousness of detail, the musical cadences of Thucydides, and the pellucid narrative of Herodotus, seem to have been combined by Dr. Lingard in the historical model which he wished to emulate, and which he has certainly followed with the greatest success.

By short specimens it is impossible to do justice to a work which is at once so extensive and so admirably connected. We shall, however, detach from the second chapter of the fourth volume a portion of the history of the Reformation, which is executed in a style of matchless energy and beauty.

of

Whatever knowledge the German reformer might possess of the doctrines, his writings displayed little of the mild spirit of the Gospel. In his answer to the King of England the intemperance of his declamation scandalized his friends, while it gave joy to his enemies. To the King he allotted no other praise than that of writing elegant language: in all other respects he was a fool and an ass, a blasphemer and a liar. Henry complained to his patron the Elector: the German princes considered the work as an insult to crowned heads: and at the earnest entreaty Christian, King of Denmark, Luther condescended to write an apology. In it he supposes that the "defence of the seven sacraments" had been falsely attributed to Henry; offers to acknowledge his error, and to publish a book in the King's praise; paints in seductive colours the purity and holiness of his own doctrine and takes occasion to inveigh against the tyranny of the popes, and against that bane of England, the Cardinal of York. Such an apology was not likely to appease the mind of Henry, who was proud of his work, and attached to his minister, and the assertion that the King began to favor the new gospel provoked him to publish a severe but dignified answer. In it he openly avows himself to be the author of the tract printed with his name, and expresses his esteem for Wolsey, whom he always loved, but whom he shall now love much more, since he has been honoured with the abuse of one, who never spared exalted worth either in the living or the dead. He then argues that, if the tree may be known by its fruits, the pride and passion, the lust and debauchery of the new apostle, prove that he had received no commission from God: and concludes with maintaining that the favourite doctrines of his antagonist, respecting the sufficiency of faith and the non-existence of freewill, were subversive of all morality, and repugnant to the first principles of religion. The publication of this letter rekindled the anger, and exasperated the venom, of the reformer. announced his regret that he had descended to the meanness of making an apology; and condemned his own folly in supposing "that virtue could exist in a court, or that Christ might be found in a place where Satan reigned." But thenceforth let his enemies tremble. He would no more attempt to allure

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He

them

them by mildness: but would apply the merited lash to their backs.

The

'The edict of Worms had become a dead letter at the expiration of a few months: and Luther, returning to Wittemberg, had published his German translation of the Scriptures. It was preposterous to imagine that from the perusal of the sacred volumes the common people could be enabled to decide those questions which divided the most learned: but the present flattered their pride: they felt their obligations to the man, who had rendered them the judges of their own belief: and when they did not understand his arguments, were still convinced by the attraction of novelty, the promise of freedom, and the hope of sharing in the spoils of the church. The increase of new teachers kept equal pace with the increase of new religionists. country curate, who was unknown beyond the precincts of his vil lage, the friar who had hitherto vegetated in the obscurity of his convent, saw the way to riches and celebrity suddenly opened before them. They had only to ascend their pulpits, to display the new light, which had lately burst upon them, to declaim against the wealth of the clergy and the tyranny of the popes; and they were immediately followed by crowds of disciples, whose grati tude supplied their wants, and whose approbation secured to them importance in the new church. But these teachers soon discovered that they had as good a claim to infallibility as Luther: they began to dispute many of his doctrines, and to reform the reformer himself. Zwinglius declared against him in Switzerland, and severed from his empire the four cities of Strasburg, Lindau, Constance, and Memmingen. Muncer, driven from Saxony, erected his hostile standard at Mulhausen in Thuringia. He taught the natural equality of men, the right of each to his share in the common property of all, the abolition of every authority not founded on the Gospel, and the formation of a new kingdom upon earth, to consist entirely of the saints. The peasants, allured by his doctrines, were soon in arms, and the princes of the empire began to tremble for their political existence. Luther was overwhelmed with reproaches: the evil, it was said, had sprung from the tendency of his doctrines: and, to justify himself, he declared that Muncer was inspired and aided by the devil, and that the only remedy was to extirpate with fire and sword both the teacher and his disciples. After many a bloody field in different parts of the empire, the Catholics and Lutherans by their united efforts suppressed the insurrection. But the moment the common enemy was removed, their mutual diffidence revived: the Catholic princes requested the presence of the Emperor to protect them from the machinations of their enemies: and the Protestant princes concluded at Torgau a league for their common defence. It was afterwards strengthened by the accession of new members; and in the course of a few pages we shall see this confederacy, avowedly formed to support and propagate the new doctrines, in active correspondence with the King of England, the enemy of religious innovation, and the defender of the orthodox faith.'

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Το

To whatever motive we are to attribute the spoliation of the primitive church, and the establishment of the Reformation, it is a matter of wonder to observe the state of subserviency to which the tyranny of Henry had brought the higher orders throughout his dominions. They reflected back his smile or his frown with the most dastardly servility. One day they enacted, at his desire, that it was treason to dispute, the next day that it was treason to maintain, the validity of his marriage with Anne Boleyn. The safeguards of the constitution were wholly overthrown; and it seems little less than miraculous, that even the memory of them should have survived to the happy epoch of the Revolution, when they were extricated from the ruins, and restored to their pristine Gothic strength and grandeur.

In the course of his history Dr. Lingard, we observe, rejects several stories and speeches which have found their way, from one to another, through the greater number of our historians; and, so far as we have been able to inform ourselves, we have reason to be satisfied with the discretion which he has exercised in this respect. The truth is, that our historians have often followed the example set them by some of the more antient historians of Greece and Rome, in adopting too readily any current tradition, and in putting speeches and remarks into the mouths of the historical actors, which were rather appropriate than authentic.

6

In this spirit Dr. Lingard ridicules the astute theological arguments said to have been uttered by Edward VI. at the age of ten. Again, by citing original authorities, he is enabled to present a positive contradiction to some parts of the romantic story, given by Hume, of Courtenay's career in the court of Mary; for which, as the reverend Doctor justly remarks, Hume could have had no authority except his own imagination. He treats some of the stories commonly told of Lady Jane Grey in a like manner. He seems to take pleasure in doing justice to her amiable character. But,' he observes, modern writers have attributed to her much of which she seems to have been ignorant. The beautiful language which they put into her mouth; her forcible reasoning in favor of the claim of Mary; her philosophical contempt of the splendor of royalty; her refusal to accept a crown which was not her right; and her reluctant submission to the commands of her parents, must be considered as the fictions of historians, who, in their zeal to exalt the character of their heroine, seem to have forgotten that she was only sixteen years of age.' We miss, also, several of the remarkable speeches which have

been

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