(No. 11.) Message from the Executive, transmitting a communication from John Mullet, relative to re-locations of certain lands. EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, To the House of Representative: 1 transmit to the House of Representatives a report of John Mullett, commissioner, under a joint resolution of the legislature of 1838, relative to the re-location of state lands on the Grand river. S. T. MASON. Detroit, January 12, 1839. To His Excellency, S. T. MASON, Governor of Michigan. SIR: On my return from the woods in June last, I found at the post-office at Muskego, your letter, informing me of my appointment, in compliance with an act and resolution of the legislature of Michigan, approved March 28th, 1838, to examine certain lands therein mentioned, selected for the state, &c., together with a copy of the act and resolution referred to. As soon as my vocations would permit, I carefully examined the act and resolution above mentioned, and have come to the conclusion, that an examination would result in nothing but disappointment to the settlers, and a useless expense to the state. I have, therefore, awaited the assembling of the legislature, that they could, if they wish to release the lands to the settlers, so amend the act and resolution as to admit the location of lands in lieu of those selected and settled upon, which might be at some future time of equal value. That, I think, would ensure the release of all the lands mentioned in the act and resolution, (if you except, perhaps, a few fractional sections immediately contiguous to the village of Grand Rapids.) and not materially diminish the fund for which they were intended; provided, they should be withheld from sale a reasonable time. (No. 12.) Report of the committee on University and School lands. The committee on university and school lands, to whom was referred a resolution instructing said committee to inquire into the expediency of reducing the price of seminary and school lands, have fully considered the subject referred to them, and beg leave to report: That in the opinion of the committee, it would be impolitic and unjust to reduce the price of such lands at present, for the following, among other reasons: 1st. Many of the best of the seminary and school lands are yet unsold, whilst others of poorer quality have been already sold above the minimum price. In the old settled counties they sell with sufficient rapidity at the prices fixed, and in the new counties the lands are of a superior quality, and will sell as soon as the country gets a little more settled. Secondly. It would be unnecessarily reducing the university and school fund, to reduce the prices of lands that will soon sell at the prices now put upon' them. Thirdly. It would be a cause of complaint for those who have already purchased such lands, to reduce the price of adjacent lands, and thus, as a matter of course, reduce the comparative value of those just disposed of. And, lastly, the rapidly advancing improvements of the state will soon render these lands a good bargain at the fixed prices, and a little delay is thought to be better than to lose the benefit of selling at a price which they will soon command. We therefore believe it inexpedient to reduce the prices of the university and school lands at present. J. GOODWIN, Chairman. (No. 13.) Report of the Superintendent of Public Instruction. STATE OF MICHIGAN, OFFICE OF SUPERINTENDENT OF PUBLIC INSTRUCTION, Marshall, December 31, 1838. To the Legislature to be convened at Detroit, on the first Monday of January, eighteen hundred and thirty-nine. The Superintendent of Public Instruction, agreeable to the provisions of chapter one, title eleven, of the revised statutes, has the honor to submit the following report: The supreme object in legislation, and in the administration of government, undoubtedly should be the promotion of the greatest good of the whole people. To elevate man in the scale of being, and improve his condition, is the sole purpose of every wise system of government, and every just code of laws. To reach this high object, our own system was formed, and our code established. Under the healthful operation of such and similar systems and codes, such indeed as are based on the principle of equal rights and privileges, is full and perfect protection thrown around every individual of the state. Defended, in the peaceful enjoyment of the rewards of honest industry and toil, every individual is secured from invasion of his personal rights, with no sacrifice on his part, save only such as is essential to the very existence and continuance of his security and welfare. The attainment of the greatest general good, being the end and aim of the institution of civil government, a severe responsibility is imposed upon all entrusted with the administration, legislation and execution of its laws; and on the part of the people, unceasing watchfulness, lest by unfaithful agents, the "republic should suffer detriment." Hence it becomes a matter of vital importance that such a system of general instruction be established, as will best promote the ends of government. To do this effectually, the means of knowledge must be extended to every member of the community, and those great fundamental principles, which are the sole basis of all right, national, political, social and individual, be instilled into the public mind. In a government like ours, where all power is retained in the hands of the people, the only safeguard of our liberty lies in the general diffusion of right knowledge. Ignorance is a fearful foe to freedom; but knowledge, without virtue, is certain death to the republic. Such a system of instruction, then, as combines, intelligence and virtue, will alone ensure the continuance of univer sal happiness and peace; and such a system, the republican form and character of our government imperiously demand. Virtuous intelligence alone will ensure correct feeling and principle in the mass, and a consequent selection of such officers to fulfil the duties of public trust, as will best promote and carry out the great purposes and plans of government. Without intelligence, how are the offices created for the high purpose of attaining the greatest good to be filled? Without virtue, what security have we that the highest intelligence will not lead to infidelity, in the discharge of duty? Without the diffusion of knowledge, sanctified by virtuous principle, where lies our security from corruption, convulsion, civil war and ruin? What safeguard have we against anarchy, misrule and violence, unless it be in and by the diffusion of a correct, virtuous, intelligent public sentiment? And on the other hand, what is to secure us from the formation of powerful aristocracies, even under our own wise system of government, but the general dissemination of knowledge, based on moral principle? Let the history of the down-trodden nations of the earth answer. It is the constant and unvarying tendency of power, in passing from the many to the few, to amplify itself in their hands. Where ignorance is the inheritance of all, but the noble few, there is nothing that can successfully resist this tendency. When, indeed, the exercise of this concentrated and accumulating power becomes so oppressive as to madden a whole people, in their fury they may rise and put it down; but not having sufficient intelligence and virtue to establish and maintain a wise and just system of government, power must soon pass from their hands to the few, when the process of accumulation is again commenced and steadily goes on as before. The people of France, driven to desperation, overthrew the government of Louis XVI, to pass under the imperial reign of Napoleon. Again they rose and put down the government of Charles X, to pass under the despotism and constantly increasing power of Louis Philippe. We have secured ourselves against the despotism of a czar, and the oppression of an aristoracy of nobles; but how are we to be secured. as individuals, from the tyranny of the many? The majority of numbers is as capable of exercising despotic power, as an emperor or an oligarchy. A sense of justice in the monarch, may control the action of his government, and his subjects be secure while life remains. If the prince is wise and benevolent, the people may he contented, prosperous and happy; but his successor may be a prodigy of wickedness, and his kingdom be filled with violence and blood. So long as the principles of humanity, a love of justice and equity, reign in the hearts of the majority, we, as individuals, are free and safe. But no longer. It has of late been urged with great power and eloquence, and with distinguished learning,* that our constitution and form of government furnish no security against the encroachments and oppressive acts of the majority. This, however, is no defect; for no form of government, and no constitution within the power of man to devise, can provide such security. Our safety is not in constitutions and forms of government, but in the establishment of a right system of general education; in the development and culture of those moral, as well as intellectual, powers implanted in the nature of man. So far as these powers are seen to exercise a controlling influence over the actions of men and nations, are they to be trusted. Indeed our safety, as individuals, under God, must lie in those restraints, which virtue and intelligence, throw around the great heart of the majority of numbers. The desire to do right must be planted in the deep bosom of the people, and no means of promoting the perception of right neglected. The faculties, the susceptibilities, the emotions, the feelings, which make up the great sum of mind, must be cultivated and improved by right instruction. Generally diffused education, combining the great powers of intelligence and a pure virtue, is the only safeguard of our public and our private rights; and upon the progress of this alone, depends the future permanence and character of all our republican institutions. The object of education is to raise up, not to pull down; to improve the condition of man, to advance the interests of the whole people, while increasing the individual happiness and prosperity of every member in the commonwealth. If education results in the perfection of government, it also leads to the like perfection in science, in the arts, and in every species of improvement. It is education that unfolds the hidden mysteries of creation, and introduces man to the secret springs, by which he is destined to arrive at the highest degree of physical, intellectual and moral attainment. The improvements she is yet to make, and which she alone can make, in machinery, in mechanic arts, and in the implements of husbandry, will secure to every man, with four hour's labor, a competence for himself and his family. The great balance of time, expended as it should be, in moral and mental culture, would introduce us at once to the golden age of man. less amount of labor than this can never be desired. Such an amount is essential to the beauty and perfection of his physical nature to the development, the healthy and vigorous action of his bodily constitution and powers. A The people of the older states, sensible of the urgent necessity of education, are awaking to redoubled efforts in its behalf. Wise men in those states, confident that this is the only way to preserve a preponderating influence in the general government of our com *Democracy in America-by M. De Tocqueville. |