the preservation of the princess was, therefore, little less than a miracle of Divine Providence, and was owing, under God, to the protection of King Philip, who, despairing of issue from the queen, was not without expectations from the princess.

concerned to support it, for they began to think that Heaven itself was against it.

Indeed, there were strange and unusual accidents in the heavens.* Great mischief was done in many places by thunder and lightning, by deluges, by excessive rains, and by stormy winds. There was a contagious distemper like the plague, that swept away great numbers of people, so that in many places there were not priests to bury the dead, nor men enough to reap the harvest. Many bishops died, which made way for the Protestant ones in the next reign. The Parliament was dissatisfied with King Philip's demand for men and money for the recovery of Calais; and the queen herself grew melancholy upon the loss of that place, and the other misfortunes of the year. She had been declining in health ever since her pretend

But the hand of God was against Queen Mary and her government, which was hardly attended with one prosperous event; for instead of having issue by her marriage, she had only a false conception, so that there were little or no hopes afterward of a child. This increased the sourness of her temper; and her husband, being much younger than herself, grew weary of her, slighted her company, and then left her to look to his hereditary dominions, after he had lived with her about fifteen months. There being a war between Spain and France, the queen was obliged to take part with her husband; this ex-ed miscarriage, which was vastly increased by hausted the treasure of the nation, and was the occasion of the loss of all the English dominions upon the Continent. In the beginning of this year the strong town of Calais was taken, after it had been in the possession of the English two hundred and ten years: afterward the French took Guines and the rest of that territory, nothing being left but the isles of Jersey and Guernsey. The English, says a learned writer, had lost their hearts; the government at home being so unacceptable that they were not much

the absence of her husband, her despair of issue, and the cross accidents that attended her government. Her spirits were now decayed, and a dropsy coming violently upon her, put an end to her unhappy life and reign, November 17, 1558, in the forty-third year of her age and sixth of her reign; Cardinal Pole, archbishop of Canterbury, dying the same day.t

perfectly blind in matters of religion, her conscience being absolutely directed by the pope and her confessor, who encouraged her in all the cruelties that were exercised against the Protestants, assuring her that she was doing God and his Church good service. There is but one instance of a pardon of any condemned for heresy during her whole reign. Her natural temper was melancholy; and her infirmities, together with the misfortunes of her government, made her so peevish, that her death was lamented by none but her popish clergy. Her reign was in every respect calamitous to the nation, and "ought to be transmitted down to posterity in characters of blood."

Queen Mary was a princess of severe principles, constant at her prayers, and very little given to diversions. She did not mind any branch of government so much as the Church, being time, he says, 'Four hundred persons suffered pub-ward to give a sanction to all their cruelties. entirely at the disposal of her clergy, and forlicly in Queen Mary's days, besides those who were secretly murdered in prison: of these, twenty were She had deep resentments of her own ill-usage bishops and dignified clergymen; sixty were women; in her father's and brother's reigns, which easily children, more than forty; some women big with induced her to take revenge, though she colourchild; one bore a child in the fire, and the child wased it over with a zeal against heresy. She was burned.' This is probably the nearest approach we can make to the facts of the case, and it exhibits a sufficiently fearful and horrifying spectacle. Religious persecution had not been unknown to our fathers, but the instances of capital punishment for heresy were few, and the interval between them had been great. They had not, however, been sufficiently numerous to impair the humanity of the nation, much less so to pervert its sympathies as to induce any complacency in these horrible exhibitions. The slaughter of Gardiner and Bonner was therefore regarded with indignation and abhorrence. Their names became hateful, and their memory has been loaded with the reproach of many generations. It was an unusual and an ungrateful thing,' says Burnet, 'to the English nation, that is apt to compassionate all in misery, to see four, five, six, seven, and once thirteen, burning in one fire; and the sparing neither sex nor age, nor blind nor lame, but making havoc of all equally, and, above all, the barbarity of Guernsey, raised that horror in the whole nation, that there seems, ever since that time, such an abhorrence FROM to that religion, to be derived down from father to son, that it is no wonder an aversion so deeply rooted, and raised upon such grounds, does, upon every new provocation, or jealousy of returning to it, break out in most violent and convulsive symptoms.' While some approach to truth can be obtained, in calculating the numbers that were burned, it is impossible to form any adequate conception of the mass of misery which was involved in the persecutions of this period. A speedy death, though by fire, was merciful and kind, compared with the treatment which some experienced. New methods of torment were devised by a perverted ingenuity, which might inflict the pain, without bringing the relief, of death. Bigotry put on its fiercest and most rancorous form, and revelled in scenes of wo which might have touched the hardest heart."-Dr. Price's Hist. Noncon., vol. i., p. 120-122.-C.

CHAPTER IV.

THE BEGINNING OF QUEEN ELIZABETH'S REIGN TO THE SEPARATION OF THE PROTESTANT NONCONFORMISTS.

QUEEN Elizabeth's‡ accession to the crown

* Burnet's Hist. Ref., vol. ii., p. 366.

+ During his residence in Italy, on the demise of Paul III., Cardinal Pole had been elected pope, at midnight, by the conclave, and sent for to come and be admitted. He desired that this, as it was not a work of darkness, might be postponed to the morning. Upon this message, the cardinals, without any farther ceremony, proceeded to another election, and chose the Cardinal de Monte, who, before he left the conclave, bestowed a hat upon a servant who looked after his monkey-Granger's Biogr. History, 8vo, vol. i., p. 158, note.-ED.

Strype's Ann., vol. i., p. 251, 175.

with them in preaching God's word, and in endeavouring to obtain such a form of worship as they had seen practised in the best Reformed Churches. The others replied that it would not be in their power to appoint what ceremonies should be observed; but they were determined to submit in things indifferent, and hoped those of Geneva would do so too; however, they would join with them in petitioning the queen that nothing burdensome might be imposed. Both parties congratulated her majesty's accession, in poems, addresses, and dedications of books; but they were reduced to the utmost poverty and distress. They came threadbare home, bringing nothing with them (says Mr. Strype*) but much experience, as well as learning. Those who could comply with the queen's

rest were neglected, and though suffered to preach in the churches for some time, they were afterward suspended, and reduced to as great poverty as before.

gave new life to the Reformation: as soon as it was known beyond sea most of the exiles returned home, and those who had hid themselves in the houses of their friends began to appear; but the public religion continued for a time in the same posture the queen found it; the popish priests kept their livings, and went on celebrating mass. None of the Protestant clergy who had been ejected in the last reign were restored, and orders were given against all innovations without public authority. Though the queen had complied with the changes in her sister's reign, it was well known she was a favourer of the Reformation; but her majesty proceeded with great caution, for fear of raising disturbances in her infant government. No prince ever came to the crown under greater disadvantages. The pope had pronounced her illegiti-establishment were quickly preferred; but the mate, upon which the Queen of Scots put in her claim to the crown. All the bishops and clergy of the present establishment were her declared enemies. The nation was at war with France, and the treasury exhausted; the queen, therefore, by the advice of her privy council, re-exiles had taught them a little more charity solved to make peace with her neighbours as and mutual forbearance; or that they had folsoon as possible, that she might be more at lei-lowed the advice of their learned friends and sure to proceed in her intended alterations of religion, which, though very considerable, were not so entire as the best and most learned Protestants of these times desired. The queen inherited the spirit of her father, and affected a great deal of magnificence in her devotions, as well as in her court. She was fond of many of the old rites and ceremonies in which she had been educated. She thought her brother had stripped religion too much of its ornaments, and made the doctrines of the Church too narrow in some points. It was therefore with difficulty that she was prevailed on to go the length of King Edward's reformation.*

The only thing her majesty did before the meeting of the Parliament was to prevent pulpit disputes, for some of the reformed that had been preachers in King Edward's time, began to make use of his service-book without authority or license from their superiors; this alarmed the popish clergy, and gave occasion to a proclamation, dated December 27, 1558. By which all preaching of ministers or others was prohibited; and the people were charged to hear no other doctrine or preaching but the Epistle and Gospel for the day, and the Ten Commandments in English, without any exposition or paraphrase whatsoever. The proclamation admits of the litany, the Lord's Prayer, and the creed, in English; but no public prayers were to be read in the Church but such as were appointed by law, till the meeting of the Parliament, which was to be upon the 23d of January t

While the exiles were preparing to return home, conciliatory letters passed between them; those of Geneva desired a mutual forgiveness, and prayed their brethren of Arrow, Basil, Frankfort, Strasburgh, and Worms, to unite

Burnet's Hist. Ref., vol. ii., 376.

This proclamation was directed against the papists as well as the reformed: "for both," says Strype, took their occasions to speak freely their minds in the pulpits."-Strype's Annals, vol. i., Appendix, p. Camden's Eliz., p. 6.

3.

It had been happy if the sufferings of the

patrons beyond sea, who advised them to go through with the Reformation, and clear the Church of all the relics of popery and superstition at once. This was the advice of Gualter, one of the chief divines of Zurich, who, in his letter to Dr. Masters, the queen's physician, January 16, 1558-9, wishes "that the Reformers among us would not hearken to the counsels of those men who, when they saw that popery could not be honestly defended nor entirely retained, would use all artifices to have the outward face of religion to remain mixed, uncertain, and doubtful; so that while an evangelical reformation is pretended, those things should be obtruded on the Church which will make the returning back to popery, superstition, and idolatry, very easy. We have had the experience of this (says he) for some years in Germany, and know what influence such persons may have: their counsels seem to a carnal judgment to be full of modesty, and well fitted for carrying on a universal agreement; and we may well believe the common enemy of our salvation will find out proper instruments, by whose means the seeds of popery may still remain among you. I apprehend that in the first beginnings, while men may study to avoid the giving some small offence, many things may be suffered under this colour, that they will be continued but for a little while, and yet afterward it will scarce be possible, by all the endeavours that can be used, to get them removed, at least not without great strugglings." The letter seems to be written with a prophetic spirit; Masters laid it before the queen, who read it all over, though without effect. Letters of the same strain were written by the learned Bullinger, Peter Martyr, and Weidner, to the Earl of Redford, who had been some time at Zurich; and to Jewel, Sandys, Horn, Cox, Grindal, and the rest of the late exiles, pressing them vehemently to act with zeal and courage, and to take care in the first beginnings to have all things settled upon sure and sound foundations.

* Annals, vol. i., p. 129.

↑ Burnet's Hist. Ref., vol. iii., p. 276.

The exiles, in their answers, seem resolved to follow their advices, and make a bold stand for a thorough reformation; and if they had done so, they might have obtained it. Jewel, in his letter of May 22, 1559, thanks Bullinger for quickening their zeal and courage; and adds, they were doing what they could, and that all things were coming into a better state." In another, of April 10, "he laments the want of zeal and industry in promoting the Reformation; and that things were managed in so slow and cautious a manner, as if the Word of God was not to be received on his own authority." In another, of November 16, "he complains of the queen's keeping a crucifix in her chapel, with lighted candles; that there was worldly policy in this, which he did not like; that all things were so loose and uncertain with them, that he did not know whether he should not be obliged to return back to Zurich. He complains of the popish vestments, which he calls the relics of the Amorites, and wishes they were extirpated to the deepest roots." The like complaints were made by Cox, Grindal, Horn, Pilkington, and others, but they had not the resolution to persevere had they united counsels, and stood by one another, they might at this juncture have obtained the removal of those grievances which afterward occasioned the separation.

*

and as it revives King Edward's laws, it repeals a severe act made in the late reign for punishing heresy, and three other old statutes mentioned in the said act. "Moreover, all persons in any public employs, whether civil or ecclesiastical, are obliged to take an oath in recognition of the queen's right to the crown, and of her supremacy in all causes ecclesiastical and civil, on penalty of forfeiting all their promotions in the Church, and of being declared incapable of holding any public office." In short, by this single act of the supremacy, all that had been done by Queen Mary was in a manner annulled, and the external policy of the Church restored to the same foot as it stood at the death of King Edward VI.

Farther: "The act forbids all writing, printing, teaching, or preaching, and all other deeds or acts whereby any foreign jurisdiction over these realms is defended, upon pain that they and their abettors, being thereof convicted, shall for the first offence forfeit their goods and chattels; and if they are not worth twenty pounds, suffer a year's imprisonment; spiritual persons shall lose their benefices, and all ecclesiastical preferments; for the second offence they shall incur the penalties of a præmunire; and the third offence shall be deemed high treason."

To return to the Parliament. The court took There is a remarkable clause in this act, such measures about elections as seldom fail which gave rise to a new court, called the Court of success; the magistrates of the counties and of High Commission. The words are these: corporations were changed, and the people, who "The queen and her successors shall have powwere weary of the late persecutions, were as- er, by their letters patent under the great seal, sisted, and encouraged to exert themselves in to assign, name, and authorize, as often as they favour of such representatives as might make shall think meet, and for as long time as they them easy; so that when the houses met, the shall please, persons, being natural-born submajority were on the side of the Reformation.jects, to use, occupy, and exercise, under her The temper of the house was first tried by a bill to restore to the crown the first-fruits and tenths, which Queen Mary had returned to the Church. It passed the Commons without much opposition, February 4th, but in the House of Lords all the bishops voted against it.* By another act they repealed some of the penal laws, and enacted that no person should be punished for exercising the religion used in the last year of King Edward. They appointed the public service to be performed in the vulgar tongue. They empowered the queen to nominate bishops to the vacant bishoprics by congé d'elire, as at present. They suppressed the religious houses founded by Queen Mary, and annexed them to the crown; but the two principal acts passed this session were the acts of supremacy, and of uniformity of common prayer.

The former is entitled an act for restoring to the crown the ancient jurisdiction over the state ecclesiastical and spiritual, and for abolishing foreign power. It is the same for substance with the twenty-fifth of Henry VIII., already mentioned, but the Commons incorporated several other bills into it; for, besides the title of supreme governor in all causes ecclesiastical and temporal, which is restored to the queen, the act revives those laws of King Henry VIII. and King Edward VI. which had been repealed in the late reign. It forbids all appeals to Rome, and exonerates the subjects from all exactions and impositions heretofore paid to that court;

* Strype, p. 67.

and them, all manner of jurisdiction, privileges, and pre-eminences, touching any spiritual or ecclesiastical jurisdiction within the realms of England and Ireland, &c., to visit, reform, redress, order, correct, and amend all errors, heresies, schisms, abuses, contempts, offences, and enormities whatsoever. Provided that they have no power to determine anything to be heresy but what has been adjudged to be so by the authority of the canonical Scripture; or by the first four general councils, or any of them; or by any other general council, wherein the same was declared heresy by the express and plain words of canonical Scripture; or such as shall hereafter be declared to be heresy by the high court of Parliament, with the assent of the clergy in convocation."‡

*The repeal of this act, it may not be improper to observe, operated in favour of those only who denied the essential and disseminating tenets of popery. It was a necessary step, when government was about to establish a reformation which would subvert the reception of those tenets. But it did not proceed from any just notions of the rights of conscience; and, as it appears in the course of this reign, still left. those who went beyond the limits fixed by the new establishment exposed to the heaviest penalties.ED. Strype, p. 69. Rapin, p. 237.

On this statute Mr. Justice Blackstone remarks, that "a man continued still liable to be burned for what, perhaps, he did not understand to be heresy, till the ecclesiastical judge so interpreted the words of the canonical Scriptures." To this a late writer justly adds: "And even at this day, whoever, of the sectaries not tolerated, shall dare to interpret the

in spirituals that King Henry did, who, by the act of the thirty-first of his reign, was made absolute lord over the consciences of his subjects, it being therein enacted that “whatsoever his majesty should enjoin in matters of religion should be obeyed by all his subjects."

Upon the authority of this clause the queen appointed a certain number of commissioners for ecclesiastical causes, who exercised the same power that had been lodged in the hands of one vicegerent in the reign of King Henry VIII. And how sadly they abused their power in this and the two next reigns will appear in It is very certain that the kings and queens the sequel of this history. They did not trouble of England never pretended to the character of themselves much with the express words of spiritual persons, or to exercise any part of the Scripture, or the first four general councils, but ecclesiastical function in their own persons; entangled their prisoners with oaths ex officio, they neither preached nor administered the sacand the inextricable mazes of the popish canon raments, nor pronounced or inflicted the cenlaw; and though all ecclesiastical courts ought sures of the Church; nor did they ever conseto be subject to a prohibition from the courts crate to the episcopal office, though the right of of Westminster, this privilege was seldom al- nomination is in them: these things were done lowed by the commissioners. The act makes | by spiritual persons, or by proper officers in the no mention of an arbitrary jurisdiction of fining, spiritual courts, deriving their powers from the imprisoning, or inflicting corporeal punishments crown. When the adversaries of the supremaon the subjects, and therefore can be construed cy objected the absurdity of a lay person being to extend no farther than to suspension or dep-head of a spiritual body, the queen endeavoured rivation; but notwithstanding this, these com- to remove the difficulty by declaring, in her inmissioners sported themselves in all the wanton junctions to her visiters, "that she did not, nor acts of tyranny and oppression, till their very would she ever, challenge authority and power name became odious to the whole nation; in- to minister Divine service in the Church; nor somuch that their proceedings were condemned would she ever challenge any other authority by the united voice of the people, and the court than her predecessors King Henry VIII. and dissolved by act of Parliament, with a clause Edward VI. used." that no such jurisdiction should be received for the future in any court whatsoever.

But, abating this point, it appears very probable that all the jurisdiction and authority claimBishop Burnet says that the supremacy ed by the pope, as head of the Church, in the granted by this act is short of the authority that times preceding the Reformation, was transKing Henry had; nor is it the whole that the ferred to the king by the act of supremacy, and queen claimed, who sometimes stretched her annexed to the imperial crown of these realms, prerogative beyond it. But since it was the as far as was consistent with the laws of the basis of the Reformation, and the spring of all land then in being; though since it has underits future movements, it will be proper to in- gone some abatements. The words of the quire what powers were thought to be yielded learned Mr. Hooker* are very express: "If the the crown by this act of supremacy, and some whole ecclesiastical state should stand in need others made in support of it. King Henry VIII., of being visited and reformed; or when any in his letter to the convocation of York, assures part of the Church is infested with errors, them that "he claimed nothing more by the su- schisms, heresies, &c., whatsoever spiritual premacy than what Christian princes in the powers the legates had from the see of Rome, primitive times assumed to themselves in their and exercised in right of the pope for remedyown dominions." But it is capable of demon-ing of evils, without violating the laws of God stration, that the first Christian emperors did not claim all that jurisdiction over the Church Holy Scriptures for himself, may be punished by ecclesiastical censures, if an ecclesiastical judge should decree such interpretation to be erroneous."-High

Church Politics, p. 66.-ED.

or nature; as much in every degree have our laws fully granted to the king forever, whether he thinks fit to do it by ecclesiastical synods, or otherwise according to law."

sidering the powers claimed by the crown in The truth of this remark will appear by conthis and the following reigns.

In addition to our author's remark may be subjoined the reflections of a modern writer: "On this 1. The kings and queens of England claimed foundation," says he, "was erected, in a subsequent authority in matters of faith, and to be the ultipart of her reign, that court of ecclesiastical commis-mate judges of what is agreeable or repugnant sion, which, in the sequel, was the source of the most to the Word of God. The act of supremacy says arbitrary proceedings, and of the most shameful tyr-expressly, "that the king has power to redress anny, oppression, and persecution. The powers we and amend all errors and heresies; he might have mentioned, as granted to Elizabeth, will appear to many, in the present enlightened and liberal age, enjoin what doctrines he would to be preached, to have been unreasonable and enormous, and con- not repugnant to the laws of the land; and if trary to the just ends of political government. But any should preach contrary, he was for the third the conferring of such powers accorded with the idea offence to be judged a heretic, and suffer death: of the times, which had no conception of introducing his majesty claimed a right to forbid all preachreligious changes by the mere operation of reasoning for a time, as King Henry VIII., King Edand argument, and which had not learned to ascer-ward VI., Queen Mary, and Elizabeth did; or tain the true nature, objects, boundaries, and distinctions of civil and ecclesiastical authority."-His- to limit the clergy's preaching to certain of the tory of Knowledge in the New Annual Register for 1789, thirty-nine articles established by law, as King p. 6.-ED. Charles I. did." All the forementioned kings and queens published instructions or injunctions concerning matters of faith, without consent of the clergy in convocation assembled; and enforced them upon the clergy under the penalties * Eccles. Pol., b. viii., § 8.

+ Burnet's Hist. Ref., vol. ii., p. 386.

The primitive times, as they are called, did not commence till the beginning of the fourth century, under Constantine the Great, who was the first prince that employed the powers of the state in the affairs of the Church.-ED.

VOL. I.-K

of a pramunire, which made it a little difficult | press words of several statutes,* that all juris

to understand that clause of the twentieth article of the Church which says the Church has authority in matters of faith.

diction, ecclesiastical as well as civil, was vested in the king, and taken away from the bishops, except by delegation from him. The king 2. With regard to discipline, the kings of was chief in the determination of all causes in England seem to have had the keys at their gir- the Church; he had authority to make laws, dle; for, though the old canon law be in force, ceremonies, and constitutions, and without him as far as is consistent with the laws of the land no such laws, ceremonies, or constitutions are, and the prerogative of the crown, yet the king or ought to be, of force. And, lastly, all apis the supreme and ultimate judge in the spirit-peals, which before had been made to Rome, ual courts by his delegates, as he is in the are forever, hereafter, to be made to his majescourts of common law by his judges. His maj-ty's chancery, to be ended and determined, as esty might appoint a single person of the laity the manner now is, by delegates.t to be his vicar-general in all causes ecclesiastical to reform what was amiss, as King Henry VIII. and Charles I. did, which very much resembled the pope's legate in the times before the Reformation. By authority of Parliament, the crown was empowered to appoint thirty-two commissioners, some of the laity and some of the clergy, to reform the canons or ecclesiastical laws; and though the design was not executed, the power was certainly in the king, who might have ratified the new canons, and given them the force of a law, without the consent of the clergy in convocation, or of the Parliament; and, therefore, at the coronation of King Charles I., the bishop was directed to pray "that God would give the king Peter's key of discipline, and Paul's doctrine."

I am sensible that the constitution of the Church has been altered in some things since that time; but let the reader judge, by what has been recited from acts of Parliament, of the high powers that were then intrusted with the crown, and how far they were agreeable with the natural or religious rights of mankind. The whole body of the papists refused the oath of supremacy, as inconsistent with their allegiance to the pope; but the Puritans took it under all these disadvantages, with the queen's explication in her injunctions; that is, that no more was intended than "that her majesty, under God, had the sovereignty and rule over all persons born in her realms, either ecclesiastical or temporal, so as no foreign power had or ought to have authority over them." They apprehended this to be the natural right of all sovereign princes in their dominions, though there has been no statute law for it; but, as they did not admit the government of the Church to be monarchical, they were of opinion that no single person, whether layman or ecclesiastic, ought to assume the title of supreme head of the Church on earth, in the sense of the acts above mentioned. This appears from the writings of the famous Mr. Cartwright, in his admonition to the Parliament.

3. As to rights and ceremonies, the act of uniformity* says expressly, "that the queen's majesty, by advice of her ecclesiastical commissioners, or of her metropolitan, may ordain and publish such ceremonies or rites as may be most for the advancement of God's glory and the edifying of the Church." Accordingly, her majesty published her injunctions, without sending them into convocation or Parliament, and erected a court of high commission for ecclesiastical causes, consisting of commissioners of her own nomination, to see them put in execu"The Christian sovereign," says he,‡ "ought tion. Nay, so jealous was Queen Elizabeth of not to be called head, under Christ, of the parthis branch of her prerogative, that she would ticular and visible churches within his dominnot suffer her high court of Parliament to passions: it is a title not fit for any mortal man; any bill for the amendment or alteration of the ceremonies of the Church, it being, as she said, an invasion of her prerogative.

4. The kings of England claimed the sole power of the nomination of bishops; and the deans and chapters were obliged to choose those whom their majesties named, under penalty of a præmunire; and after they were chosen and consecrated, they might not act but by commission from the crown. They held their very bishoprics for some time durante bene placito; and by the statute of the fifth and sixth of Edward VI., chap. i., it was enacted "that archbishops and bishops shall punish by censures of the Church all persons that offend," &c., which plainly implies that without such a license or authority they might not do it.

5. No convocation or synods of the clergy can assemble but by a writ or precept from the crown; and when assembled, they can do no business without the king's letters patent, appointing them the particular subjects they are to debate upon;† and, after all, their canons are of no force without the royal sanction. Upon the whole, it is evident, by the ex

for when the apostle says Christ is kɛpan, the head, it is as much as if he had said Christ, and no other, is head of the Church. No civil magistrate, in councils or assemblies for Church matters, can either be chief moderator, overruler, judge, or determiner; nor has he such authority as that, without his consent, it should not be lawful for ecclesiastical persons to make any Church orders or ceremonies. Church matters ought, ordinarily, to be handled by church officers. The principal direction of them is, by God's ordinance, committed to the ministers of the Church and to the ecclesiastical governors: as these meddle not with the making civil laws, so the civil magistrate ought not to ordain ceremonies or determine controversies in the Church, so long as they do not intrench upon * 37 Hen. VIII., cap. xvii., 1 Eliz., cap. i.

cised by the pope, was transferred to the temporal + Thus the power, which had been for ages exermonarch. The acquisition of this power was highly flattering to the love of authority in princes, especially as they had been so long under subjection to the pope. To a woman of Queen Elizabeth's spirit it was, independently of every religious consideration, a powerful inducement to support the Reformation.-ED.

Admonition to Parliament, lib. ii., p. 4, 11.