And what has been the fruit of this system; this oppression of the people, this spoliation of princes, and absorption of their principalities; this smothering of Indian proceedings at home? We see them in the most terrible revolt of the native Indian army, the most frightful massacres that ever were perpetrated in any age. The words of Sir John Malcolm have been fully verified. Whilst it is still asserted that the population at large had no concern in this military revolt, Sir John Malcolm, a man thoroughly acquainted with the interior workings of the Indian system, tells us that, in his day, and in all periods of our Indian empire, the people had continually said to the sepoys, "You are many; our oppressors are few-murder them! murder them!" They have at length done it: the crimes and the maladministration of the East India Company, still acting on the institutions and the traditions of Clive and Hastings, are filled up, and the nation has been compelled to take to the administration of India, with seventy millions of debt! and with financial and political embarrassments which are almost, if not altogether, insurmountable. Had the voice of Burke been listened to; had such men as Hastings been punished instead of applauded, the race of harpies who have battened on the blood of India, and prepared disgrace and difficulty for their mother country before all the world, would have long ago been cut off. The abandonment of moral principle, under the temptations of a proud and selfish but fatal policy, have, in this instance, produced those consequences which are inevitable in the long-run of a righteous Providence.

We have now to return to the year 1791, and to record the effects which the contagion of French principles of liberty were producing in England. The publication of Burke's "Reflections on the French Revolution" had caused an immense sensation. It went through edition after edition, and elicited a warm and wide response in hearts already convinced of, or beginning to see, the real tendency of the French outbreak. On the other hand, it greatly exasperated the ultra-admirers of French republicanism, and produced a number of vindications of it by men who, for the most part, were exceedingly bitter against Burke, and denounced him as an apostate, a renegade, and a traitor to liberty. Amongst the most conspicuous of those who took the field against Burke in books were Sir James Mackintosh, Thomas Paine, Dr. Price, and Dr. Priestley, the two latter of whom also made free use of the pulpit for the propagation of their political ideas. Ladies also distinguished themselves in this contest, as Mary Wollstonecraft and Mrs. Macaulay,

the historian.

Mackintosh, who was a young lawyer of excellent education, but yet entirely unknown, this year published his "Vindicia Gallicæ," in reply to Burke; but he did it with the behaviour of a gentleman, and evident admiration of the genius and political services of the great man whom he opposed. His book was immensely admired, and at once lifted him into notice. But it was not long before he began to see the correctness of Burke's views and prognostics of the French revolution, and he did not shrink from avowing the alteration of his sentiments in the Monthly Review and in conversation. His talents, and this alteration of his views, recommended him to the ministers, and he was

appointed by Pitt and Loughborough a professor of Lincoln's Inn, where, in a course of lectures on the constitution of England, he exhibited himself as an uncompromising censor of the doctrines he had approved in his “Vindicia Gallicæ." For this he was classed, by the vehement worshippers of French ideas, with Burke, as a venal turncoat. Mackintosh did not content himself with recanting his opinions on this topic from the platform and the press; he wrote directly to Burke, who was now fast sinking under his labours and his disappointments, and expressed his undisguised admiration of his sagacity as a politician, and of his general principles and political philosophy. Burke invited him down to Beaconsfield, where a closer view of the philosopher and orator greatly increased his esteem and admiration of the man.

Paine, in his "Rights of Man," was far from restricting himself to the courtesies of life in attacking Burke. He had been most hospitably received by Burke, on many occasions, at his house, and had corresponded with him, and must, therefore, have seen sufficient of him to know that, though he might become extremely enthusiastic in his championship of certain views, he could never become mean or dishonest. Yet Paine did not hesitate to attribute to him the basest and most sordid motives. He branded him as the vilest and most venal of apostates. Paine had, in fact, become a monomaniac in republicanism. He had been engaged to the last in the American revolution, and was now living in Paris, and constantly attending the Jacobin club. He was hand in hand with the most rabid of the republicans, and was fast imbibing their anti-christian tenets. Paine fully believed that the French were inaugurating something much finer than any millennium; that they were going to establish the most delightful liberty, equality, and fraternity, not simply throughout France, but throughout the world. Before the doctrines of the French clubbists and journalists, all superstition, all despotism, all unkindness were to vanish amongst mankind, and a paradisiacal age of love and felicity was to commence. To those who pointed to the blood and fury already too prominently conspicuous in this business, he replied that these were but the dregs of corrupt humanity, which were working off in the great fermentation, and all would become clear and harmonious.

He did not hesitate to criticise the style of Burke, which certainly is very flowery and diffuse. "I know," he wrote, "a place in America called Point-no-Point; because, as you proceed along the shore, gay and flowery as Mr. Burke's language, it continually recedes, and presents itself at a distance before you; but, when you have got as far as you can go, there is no point at all. Just thus it is with Mr. Burke's three hundred and fifty-six pages." He was very caustic on Burke's exclamation, that chivalry was gote. Paine thought that the world was well rid of chivalry, and would be well rid of its parent, aristocracy. Aristocracy d any kind, he said, was either a very contemptible or a very oppressive thing, and that he had heard La Fayette say that the English house of lords was a corporation of aristocracy, and a very improper corporation to have in a free and enlightened country like France. It was ridiculous of Mr. Burke to hold up the English constitution to the French,

A.D. 1791.]

PRIESTLEY'S DEFENCE OF FRENCH PRINCIPLES.

525

who believed that there was just enough liberty in England electricity, chemistry, and pneumatics. He published a to enslave a country more effectually than by open despotแ History of Electricity," which had procured his election as ism. That the only thing was for England to follow the a member of the Royal Society, and the degree of doctor of example of France, which it must soon do. The established laws from Edinburgh. These works had acquired a European church and the aristocracy of England were ripe for reputation, and had induced the French Academy of Sciences destruction; and, when the people had destroyed them, then to elect him an associate. They had likewise brought him they might call themselves free, and be prosperous and happy; into a correspondence with several of the men of science and thriving every man of them upon the spoils of the church, the literature in France, who were almost all atheists or deists, nobility, and the squirearchy, whose possessions had been and decided advocates of the changes going on there. acquired by plundering the people, and too often by mur- Priestley, who was, besides, a zealous controversialist on dering them. He said that nothing could be so terrible to religious subjects, was one of the first to attack Burke's a court or an aristocracy as the revolution of France. "Reflections." In his "Letters to Burke," Priestley was That which is a blessing to nations is bitterness to them; particularly severe on him for his caustic strictures on his and, as their existence depends on the duplicity of a old fellow-believer, Dr. Price. These letters put the climax country, they tremble at the approach of principles, and to the spirit of animosity which was already very hot against dread the precedent that threatens their overthrow. The Priestley amongst the orthodox and the tory inhabitants of work of Paine was immensely read by the lower classes in Birmingham and its neighbourhood. In his "Introductory this country, and gave great alarm to government. Dissertation to Hartley's Observations on Man," his "History Amongst those who hailed enthusiastically the French of the Corruptions of Christianity," and his “Familiar revolution, and gave credit to its utmost promises of benefit Letters" to the inhabitants of Birmingham, in refutation of to humanity, were a considerable number of the dissenting the charges by the Rev. Mr. Madan against the unitarians, body, and especially of the unitarian class. Amongst these, Priestley had induced the clergy and magistrates to regard Drs. Price, Priestley, Kippis, and Towers were most pro-him as little better than an atheist, and he had in them minent. We have seen Dr. Price, who was noted for his avowed his decided opposition to the union of church and powers of calculation, furnishing Pitt with the theory of the state. On this subject, Dr. Horsley had taken the field sinking fund, and with other propositions of reform. On the against him, and a fierce controversy had raged between breaking out of the French revolution, Price was one of the them, carried on with much heat and little courtesy on both first to respond to it with acclamation. He was a member sides. In 1787 he had issued some severe letters against the of the revolution society, and, in 1789, he preached before it exclusion of his "History of the Corruptions of Christianity' a sermon on "The Love of our Country," and in this drew from the public library of Birmingham, though controversial so beautiful a picture of the coming happiness of man, from works were freely admitted, and even professed refutations the French revolution, that he declared that he was ready to of his works. Certainly, the doctor, under such circumexclaim with Zacharias, "Now, Lord, lettest thou thy servant stances, had a right to complain. Works of controversy depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation." At ought to have been wholly excluded, or fairly admitted, on the dinner on the same occasion, he moved that a congratu- each side of disputed points. But such was not the spirit latory address be sent to the national assembly on that of the church and tory parties of that day. Orthodoxy and glorious event, which was seconded by lord Stanhope, the toryism were extremely rampant in Birmingham, and chairman, and which was sent, and received with great Priestley was regarded as the very patriarch and champion acclamation by the national assembly. Burke was very of socinianism and republicanism. There wanted only a severe on Price, as well as on his coadjutors, in his " Reflec- spark to fire trains of fierce intolerance against Priestley tions;" and, as Price died this year, it was said that the and his party, and, unfortunately, this was furnished by "Reflections" had killed him, which, were it true, could not themselves. They resolved to celebrate, by a dinner, the be said to have done it very prematurely, for the doctor was anniversary of the taking of the Bastille, on the 14th of in his seventieth year. July.

But far more remarkable were the effects of the championship of French principles in the celebrated Dr. Joseph Priestley. Priestley was now nearly sixty years of age-a time of life when men rarely become great enthusiasts in any cause. He was a unitarian minister, who had, in that character, lived in various places, but was now the pastor of a congregation at Birmingham. He was well known for various theological writings, in which he had announced his doubts of the immateriality of the sentient principle in man, especially in his "Disquisition on Matter and Spirit." He had been tutor to Lord Shelburne, first Lord Lansdowne; but had quitted that post, as supposed, in consequence of the objection of lord Shelburne to these principles, retaining, however, an annuity of one hundred and fifty pounds a-year. But Priestley was far more known and esteemed for his researches and discoveries in natural philosophy, especially in

19

A few days before that date a hand-bill was circulated, addressed to the people. There was no signature or printer's name attached, although it ran thus, in the first person:"My countrymen, the second year of Gallic liberty is nearly expired. At the commencement of the third, on the 14th of this month, it is devoutly to be wished that every enemy to civil and religious despotism should give his sanction to the majestic common cause by a public celebration of the anniversary.

Remember that on the 14th of July the Bastille-that 'High Altar and Castle of Despotism '—fell! Remember the enthusiasm peculiar to the cause of liberty with which it was attacked! Remember the generous humanity that taught the oppressed, groaning under the weight of insulted rights, to save the lives of oppressors! Extinguish the mean prejudices of nations, and let your numbers be collected and sent as a free-will offering to the

national asembly. But is it possible to forget that your the national assembly, "whose virtue and wisdom had raised own parliament is venal? your ministers hypocritical? twenty-six millions from the meanest condition of despotism your clergy legal oppressors? the reigning family extrava- to the dignity and happiness of free men," had represented gant? the crown of a certain great personage becoming the king on their table with his head cut off, and had drunk every day too weighty for the head that wears it? too "Destruction to the present government, and the king's weighty for the people who gave it? your taxes partial and head upon a charger." These misrepresentations, made, no excessive? your representation a cruel insult upon the doubt, for the purpose, roused the fury of the mob, which sacred rights of property, religion, and freedom? But, on rushed to Darbley's hotel, after the dinner was over, and the 14th of this month, prove to the political sycophants of most of the people gone. There they raised the cry of the day that you reverence the olive branch; that you will "Church and king!" and began to throw stones. Some sacrifice to public tranquillity till the majority shall exclaim, one cried out, "Don't break Darbley's windows; he is a 'The peace of slavery is worse than the war of freedom!' churchman!" But the church-and-king magistrates and their Of that moment, let tyrants beware!" set, now flushed with wine and loyalty, waved their handkerchiefs from the windows of their inn, and hurrahed the mob on. With this encouragement, which seemed to the ignorant crowd to legalise their proceedings, the mob rushed into the house, declaring that they wanted to knock the powder out of Dr. Priestley's wig. They did not find the doctor, so they smashed most of the furniture in the house, and dashed in the windows, notwithstanding the host's orthodoxy. Some one then cried, "You have done mischief enough here; go to the meetings!" and the mob rolled away, first to the new meeting-house, where Priestley preached, which they soon demolished and set fire to. They then proceeded to the old meeting-house, and served it the same, hounded on by people of decent station in the place, and made furious by the beer which was distributed among them.

The people of Birmingham at once attributed this hand-bill to Priestley and his party, who were about to celebrate the anniversary of the 14th of July; but Priestley and his friends denied the charge, and attributed it to some bigot of the high church and tory party who desired to interrupt the dinner and create mischief. William Hutton, the celebrated antiquarian, whose house was burnt down in the riots which ensued, and whose integrity was of the highest kind, in his "History of Birmingham" declares that the hand-bill was fabricated in London, and he adds his belief that, after all, the riots would not have taken place had it not been for two men of desperate fortunes, who probably expected a place or a pension—a hungry attorney and a leading justice. Priestley attributes much of the mischief to a letter of a Dr. Tatham, which was industriously circulated, and which called the dinner an illegal and unconstitutional act. He says the plot was particularly directed against the unitarians by the high church party; and he was of opinion that, had Dr. Price been still living, the storm would have burst at Hackney instead of Birmingham. Before the dinner took place, such were the rumours of impending riots, that the party proposed to defer the celebration to a future day; but the landlord had prepared the dinner, and declared his opinion that there would be no danger if the party dispersed early, without stopping to drink many toasts. Darbley, the innkeeper, curiously enough, was a churchman, and in good odour with the tory party. Satisfied by his representations, about eighty persons determined to hold the dinner on the appointed day, though a considerable number stayed away, and amongst those Priestley himself. The company was hooted as they entered the inn, but chiefly by a crowd of dirty lads, who cried "Church and king!" On the table were ranged three figures: a medallion of the king encircled with a glory, an emblematical figure of British liberty, and another of French slavery bursting its chains.

This destruction accomplished, the mob marched away to the house of Priestley, which was at Fair-hill, where they utterly burned and destroyed all the invaluable library, philosophical instruments, and manuscripts, containing notes of the doctor's further chemical experiments and discoveries. Fire-engines were called out to prevent the flames of the meeting-houses communicating with the adjoining houses, but they were not suffered to play on the meetinghouses themselves, nor does any effort appear to have beer made to save Priestley's house. The doctor and his family had made a timely retreat. He himself passed the two first nights in a post-chaise, and the two succeeding on horse back, but less owing to his own apprehensions of danger than those of others. An eye-witness asserts that the hig! road, for full half a mile from his house, was strewed wit books, and that, on entering the library, there was not dozen volumes on the shelves; while the floor was covere several inches deep with the torn manuscripts. This the work of the night of the 14th of July.

The magistrates, the next day, when they had beca sober, began to be alarmed at the effects of their most us

The toasts given were, in general, perfectly unobjection-magisterial encouragement of the mob, and these effects La able, beginning with "The king and constitution," but unfortunately ending with "The national assembly and the patriots of France." This, however, was merely in accordance with the purpose of the meeting; there was nothing seditious or disloyal in it, and all would have passed off harmlessly enough, had it not been for the magistrates and church and state inhabitants, who, instead of exerting themselves to preserve order, met at an inn near the Swan, and there dined, and drank the most orthodox and illiberal of toasts. It was reported that the admirers of France and

every appearance of becoming much more disastrous. T people were pouring in from the country around-colhers, and iron-founders, and nail-makers from Walsall; men, and women as fierce and brawny as men, armed with bludge ready to join in the work of destruction. There was Is military force for the magistrates to call out, and their only chance was to swear in a good body of special constatés which they set about. But this required time, and the mo lost no time in doing their work of destruction. They attacked the villa of Mr. John Ryland, a dissenter, må